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The Journal of 


Applied Psychology 




AxkI a Board of Co-operating Editors 






; • •• . • • 

•• •• ••• 

••••• ••! 


Thb Brandow Printing Company 
Albany, N. Y. 


Paul S. Achilles and Edith Mulhall Achilles 

Estimates of the military value of certain character 

qualities 305-316 

John Wallace Baisd 

The legibility of a telephone directory .... 30-37 
W. V. Bingham 

Mentality testing of college stiklents .... 38-45 
Agnes BuaKE, Leta S. Holungwosth and Chablotte G. 


The psychology of a prodigious child . .101-110 

*Harold E. Burtt 

Professor Mtinsterberg's vocational tests . 201-213 

June E. Downey 

Handwriting disguise 368-379 

E. H. Fish 

Human Engineering 161-174 

- Joseph K. Folsom 

What can the psychology of interests, motives, and char- 
acter contribute to vocational guidance? . 253-264 
Chablotte G. Garrison, Agnes Burke and Leta S. Holung- 


The psychology of a prodigious child . . - . . loi-iio 
L. R. Gbissler 

What is applied psychology? 46-60 

L. R. Geissler 

Association-reactions applied to ideas of commercial 

brands of familiar articles 275-290 

Russell L. Gould 

A test for memory of names and faces .... 321-324 
G. Stanley Hall 

Practical relations between pS3rchok>gy and the war 9-16 

Jennie Hedrick and Walter B. Swift 

Sidetracking of stuttering by "starters" .... 84-88 

F. C. Henderschott 

Psychology and business 214-219 

Leta S. Hoixingworth, Charlotte G. Garrison and Agnes 


The psychology of a prodigious child .... loi-rio 
Paul Kreuzfointner 

Industrialism and applied psychology .... 180-185 
LnxxEN J. Martin 

Mental hygiene and the importance of investigating it . 67-70 
Florence Mateer 

The moron as a war problem 317-320 

G. G. McChesney 

The psychology of efl&ciency 176-179 

Henry C. Metcalf 

The human element in business 175-176 

The Journal of 


Applied Psychology 




AxkI a Board of Co-operating Editors 





The past few years have witnessed an unprecedented 
interest in the extension of the application of psy- 
chology to various fields of human activity. Teachers and 
administrators of educational affairs were among the first to 
realize that the findings of the psychologist may be of value 
in the solving of practical problems ; and the voluminous and 
growing literature of educational psychology testifies to a 
widespread belief that psychology is a valuable asset to the 
educator. Within the pa§t decade one finds increasing evi- 
dence, in various quarters, of an equally widespread but more 
recent conviction that a knowledge of psychology is no less 
serviceable in the practice of medicine, in the administration 
of justice, and in various other pursuits. And attempts are 
now being made to apply the principles of psychology to the 
solving of problems in such widely divergent disciplines as 
history, religion, sociology, art, politics, and language. 

But perhaps the most strikingly original endeavor to utilize 
the methods and the results of psychological investigation has 
been in the realm of business. This movement began with 
the psychology of advertising, — ^where at a relatively early 
date investigators attacked the anal)rtic problem of deter- 
mining what psychological factors are concerned in the ' ap- 
peal of the advertisement,* and the practical problem of util- 
izing and controlling these factors more judiciously and ef- 
fectively, — ^but it soon spread to the adjacent field of sales- 
manship. The endeavor to discover what mental qualities 
contribute to success in salesmanship has gradually led to 
an attempt to analyze mental equipment into fundamental 
qualities or traits, and to discover the significance of each 
of these qualities as factors in determining successful achieve- 
ment. Thence the attention of the applied psychologist turned 
to the more comprehensive and fundamental problem of voca- 
tional selection, — ^the question, namely, of making a detailed 
inventory of the equipment of mental qualities possessed by 


a given individual, of discovering what qualities are essential 
to successful achievement in a given vocation, and thus of 
directing the individual to the vocational niche which he is 
best fitted to fill. 

The growing impetus of this movement may be observed 
in various quarters ; and the workers in this field are clamor- 
ing for more effective methods of diagnosing character and 
intellectual equipment. These clamors are either wholly un- 
heeded by the psychologist, or are but partially and inade- 
quately satisfied. Yet the problem which is here concerned 
is one which must appeal to the interest of every psychologist 
who besides being a ' pure scientist ' also cherishes the hope 
that in addition to throwing light upon the theoretical prob- 
lems of his science, his findings may also contribute their 
quota to the sum-total of human happiness; and it must 
appeal to every human being who is interested in increasing 
human efficiency and human happiness by the more direct 
method of decreasing the number of cases where a square 
peg is condemned to a life of fruitless endeavor to fit itself 
comfortably into a round hole. The problem, therefore, is 
one which touches the psychologfist not only as a scientist but 
in his relations to his f ellowmen and to the practical concerns 
of life ; and it is equally of interest to various groups of non- 
psychologfical workers,— employers of skilled labor, employees, 
sociologists, criminologists, moralists, legislators, administra- 
tors of justice and many others. The problem is so far- 
reaching that one finds it difficult to determine whether the 
burden of its significance attaches to its psychological, its 
economic, or its social aspects. The psychologist finds that 
the old distinction between pure and applied science is already 
obscured in his domain; and he is beginning to realize that 
applied psychology can no longer be relegated to a distinctly 
inferior plane. 

There already exist a number of journals and a number of 
associations which have been established to serve the interests 
of psychology. But none of the existing journals devote 
themselves to the task of gathering together the results of 
workers in the various fields of applied psychology, or of 


bringing these results into relation with pure psychology. 
And while the programs of the psychological conventions are 
largely occupied with the discussion of practical problems, 
the reports of these discussions appear only in the technical 
journals and scarcely ever reach those laymen who are most 
interested in these questions. 

In view of all of these circumstances the tmdersigned have 
decided, not without hesitation, to launch a Journal of Ap- 
plied Psychology, — their hesitation being of financial origin 
because they have no pecuniary resources in hand or in pros- 
pect, excepting their own. They hope that the Journal of 
Applied Psychology (a) may bring together the now widely 
scattered data in this and other countries; (b) may gather 
from the various industries and from other practical fields 
data which shall be of real value for pure psychology; (c) 
may indicate new applications of psychology to the arts and 
to the occupations of human life, to which psychologists have 
hitherto made but little contribution. 

G. Stanley Hall. 

John Wallace Baird. 

L. R. Geissler. 


G. Stanley Hall 

Rash as it may seem to draw any lesson as yet from the 
present war, in which the g^eat Nordic race which embraces the 
dominant elements in all the belligerent nations is committing 
suicide, the following points, which can be only hinted at in 
my twenty minutes, seem to me worthv of consideration here. 

Mr. Hafner, through whom most of us receive our foreign 
periodicals, writes, " About one thousand French and German 
scientific publications have suspended as a result of the war, 
and about half of those that remain have been issued less 
frequently or in reduced size." They have also suffered in 
quality because so many collaborators doing the best work 
have been sent to the front, and many of them wounded or 
killed. About all the research being now carried on is in the 
medical field and in hospitals. Since April last practically all 
continental publications have been kept out of this country. 
This affects not only our journal clubs but cuts us off from 
the stimulus of European thought, so that we are now the 
only great country in the world where research can go on 
as before. 

Last month I asked and obtained the responses of repre- 
sentative authorities of all the twenty-four universities in the 
American Association concerning this situation. The re- 
sponses were very diverse. One prominent university presi- 
dent amplified the view that it was high time and would do 
good for America to be weaned from its European alma 
mater. Another held that the cessation of importation of 
intellectual goods made in Europe would cause the culture 
level not only in academic departments but throughout the 
world to sink to a lower level. Most, however, held that this 
shortage will be a new and serious responsibility upon Ameri- 
can scholars to make it good, that the present situation is a 
loud, clear call to independence, an opportunity for new leader- 
ship, that it should result in higher standards of originality 
and increased output of investigation, that the war opens 

1 Address prepared for the twenty-fifth anniversary of the American 
Psychological Association, New York, December, 1916. 

10 HALL 

opportunities to American universities as g^eat as it has 
afforded to certain industries here, and that we should emulate 
the latter in devising new methods and in vastly enhancing 
our output. If we only have the vision the war will bring 
here a great advance in culture. The new Research Council 
of the National Academy and the Committee of One Hundred, 
with their splendid if as yet unrealized program, indicate 
that we are at least making a feeble beginning to respond to 
the situation. A vast deal has been said and written about 
research here within the last eighteen months, and there is 
every prospect that it will have at least enough, let us hope 
not too much, organization. 

As for psychology, whether we regard the quality or quantity 
of work, done here in every field, aJl the way irom introspec- 
tion to behaviorism, including the study of animals, children, 
normal and subnormal, anthropology, especially as represented 
by our Bureau of Ethnology, the work in tests, scales, in 
standards, and indeed in ak)ut every domain of psychology 
(unless we except psychiatry, where most work worth while 
that has been done has been inspired either by Kraepelin or 
more lately by Freud), I believe we are quite ready to meet 
this call in the field of both pure and applied psychology, pro- 
vided only we escape the obsession of finality in either method 
or result and realize that psychology is just beginning, the 
best things are yet to be found out, and that its difficulties 
and obscurities are the twilight of dawn and not that of 

2. Another effect of the war upon psychology that now 
seems probable is to lay new stress upon applied as distinct 
from pure aspects of research. For two and a half years, 
practically all the leaders in most of the physical sciences, par- 
ticularly physics and chemistry, have ceased to advance their 
science as such and have been absorbed in making it immedi- 
ately serviceable; while even in the most humanistic fields 
culture has yielded to Kultur. The criterion of values in 
science is now what it can do pragmatically, in the Vaihinger 
sense. Talent of the order of Edison or Burbank has taken 
precedence over that of men like Helmholtz and Weismann, 
and the work of the latter is transvalued by the test of utility. 
The war has given the world its greatest lesson in scientific 
efficiency. Just as Russia in the war with Japan did not begin 
to realize how far the latter country had moulted all its pre- 
Meji and indeed all liberal culture and focussed its entire 
energy upon practical dficiency, so none of the Entente Allies, 
least of all England, realized how far Germany had gone in 


casting oflf the culture of half a century ago, and in almost 
a single generation acquiring a new soul that made it, instead 
of the least, the most hard-headed, practically eflfective nation 
the world has ever seen, with hardly a vestige of the old, 
speculative, sentimental traits of the days before 1870. As 
pure chemistry failed to appreciate the value of the formula 
for making nitrate, which Germany had secretly bought from 
its Norse discoverer, and which enabled it to produce three 
hundred thousand tons of ammunitions during the first year 
of the war, at one-third its cost to the Allies, so its tests of 
the sense, motility, fatigue; its establishment of distinct 
digestive, respiratory, muscular, and nervous types; its temi- 
bility tests, which eliminate from the ranks both on donning 
the uniform and after every wound, thereby greatly reduc- 
ing liabilities to panic; the French tests and assignment of 
men to infantry, cavalry, artillery, aviation corps, etc., accord- 
ing to the standard types of McAuliffe, Segaud, Thooris and 
Sorel, have shown how immediately serviceable psychology 
could be made in a new field. Already enough of the care- 
fully guarded military secrets of these tests for specific lines 
of military service have leaked out to suggest why the German 
and French armies are so much more effectively organized 
than the English and Russian, and to show that applied psy- 
chology can render the most valuable service. We see with 
mingled admiration and dismay to what lengths Germany will 
go in applying all the latest knowledge in every field, not only 
in industry, municipal social organization, and even in 
eugenics, in ways often far beyond the reaches of the old 
morality. Corporation schools, which here in the last four 
years have come to represent the advanced line of vocational 
discrimination and guidance, have already demanded of psy- 
chology vastly more knowledge of character and its traits 
than it has yet attained ; and this has led, as we all know, to 
very many tables of human qualities, that are, some more, 
some less, scientific, and premature, so that we can only very 
imperfectly and tentatively answer all the questions that busi- 
ness is now putting to us. So the war has still more urgently 
called upon psychology to do things it was not ready for, 
which had to be done extemporarily and as best they could 
by intuition. In both fields tfie call is so loud and insistent 
that it seems to me every psychologist should be able to give 
some reason if he does not do what in him lies to a better 
knowledge of man and life under modem conditions, even if 
he has to break in some degree from his own lines of work, 
in order to help in the supreme problem of diagnosing each 
individual, and steering him toward his fittest place, which is 

12 HALL 

really the culminating problem of efficiency, because human 
capacities are after all the chief national resources. In conning 
only a few of the some three thousand books and pamphlets 
on the war our library has made a specialty of collecting, only 
one topic has impressed me more than the literature that 
enumerates the various things which psychology is doing or 
can do, not only for war itself, but for the new social and 
industrial order which characterizes the state of a nation in 
war. Must we not, therefore, infer that such facts as these 
suggest that we read just the old differentiation between pure 
and applied psychology, and realize that research in the latter 
field may be iust as scientific as in any other, and that the 
immediate utility of our results is at least no longer a brand 
of scientific inferiority? 

3. We shall surely have a new and larger psychology of 
war. The older literature on it is already more or less obso- 
lete from almost every point of view, and James' theory of a 
moral, and Cannon's of a physiological, equivalent of war 
seem now pallid and academic. More in point are the revers- 
ionary conceptions of Freud, Pfister and Patrick, that it is 
more or less normal for man at times to plunge back and down 
the evolutionary ladder, and to immerse himself in rank, 
primitive emotions and to break away from the complex con- 
ventions and routine of civilized life and revert to that of the 
troglodytes in the trenches, and to face the chance of instant 
death when the struggle for survival is at its maximum in the 
bayonet charge. Lahy, Crile and perhaps a score of others 
described, on the basis of much observation and insight, the 
stages of this recessional. First is the general perturbation 
at home when mobilization is decreed, the fraternization of 
all classes, normally more or less aloof; the rank credulities 
and superstitions that suddenly arise and spread by psychic 
contagion, often to the clearest heads and coolest hearts, on 
the basis of high expectant tension; the mad rumors, fears, 
suggestions, often so painfully acute that the call to arms is 
a rdief. 

Second comes the parting from home and loved ones; the 
donning of the uniform and with it the esprit de corps of the 
army^ the intense activity of the training camp; the remark- 
able development of powers of effort and of endurance, which 
makes each often a marvel to himself, a power by which those 
from sedentary life often excel laborers and peasants; the 
games, songs, theatricals, often camp newspapers, in which 
phenomena we see instinct seeking to compensate, in Adler's 
sense, for a deeper but repressed anxiety. Life at this stage 


is so absorbing that the old life at home pales, and loved ones 
are thought of with surprising infrequency, and it becomes 
harder to write to them; the sudden setting up, physical and 
often moral, of flabby individuals, to sleeplessness, heat, cold 
and hunger, as the individual learns to draw upon his phyletic 
reserve, and is often surprised to find the largest drafts upon 
it honored. 

Third, in the advance into the trenches, where silence and 
immobility arc often necessary under the greatest excitement, 
breaking down many a nervous system, and when everything 
else, past and future, is forgotten in the struggle for present 
safety and physical comfort, the long confinement and con- 
strained positions interspersed with digging, bailing water, 
with sometimes personal draftings to carry despatches or 
rescue woimded friends from the " hell-strip " between the 
most advanced opposing lines, the acute attention to the 
sound of projectiles and their explosion, it is no wonder that 
some grow mad and rush wildly at the enemy and to certain 
death, or else back to safety, while those with stronger nerves 
develop with amazing suddenness a callousness to danger, 
fatigue, himger, discomforts, while we sometimes have the 
unique reaction of sudden fraternization with the enemy which 
Kreisler has so well described. 

Fourth, when the charge is called, some drop, fatigued and 
perhaps dead from exhaustion, while others who thought 
themselves entirely spent marvel at the sudden development 
of utterly unexpected resources in their own systems. Here 
each faces his man intent only upon killing him and escaping 
from being killed himself. When this is all over the survivors 
frequently, and sometimes for days and weeks, live in an 
illusion that the charge is still on, and they cut, slash, stab 
imaginary enemies, while the same obsessions haunt their sleep, 
so that even the hospitals, a few days after the battle, are noisy 
with the imagined battle which still rages in the soul. Those 
who have once had this experience, too, we are told, should 
recover within the hearing of the big guns, lest these obses- 
sions undermine their courage and make them cowards and 
panic-starters despite their will. Only very slowly do even the 
sanest come back to full realization of what and where they 
are, what doing, and only gradually do their friends, relatives 
and home conditions live again in their souls as the past 
validates itself in the all-absorbing present. 

Such, too, is the unprecedented strain of the present war, 
with its high explosives, the contractions of both time and 
space, poisoned gases, the fatigue and demoralization deliber- 
ately planned by each enemy by continuous day and night 

14 HALL 

bombardment before the infantry advance, that it is no wonder 
that each belligerent has had to develop a new typt of hospital 
for cases of shock due to these causes. All agree that the 
nervous system of the belligerents has never been subjected 
to such a strain, and many hold that this of itself will impair 
the quality of parenthood perhaps for generations. War is 
a grim and awful experiment upon human nature, but like 
vivisection, disease and insanity, it should be studied intensi- 
vely to find its nature, cause, and if possible its cure and at 
least its function for the individual and society. The very 
voluminous data in this field now fairly cry out for more and 
better interpretation. Raw instinct, feeling and emotion, which 
are the very roots of human nature, are stripped bare of all 
their disguises. The motivation of war, however interpreted, 
is psychological, whether its cause be individual, social, econ- 
omic, or religious. War is still regarded too much as panics 
and pestilences were before science explained and controlled 
them. Hence it is that we should welcome the suggestion lately 
made of a society planned, to be given an international organi- 
zation, to study the psychological aspects of this war, select- 
ing literature, making special observations, according to pre- 
scribed methods, synthetizing results from all fields, in order 
that in the end we may have some definite conception of what 
war really is, does and means. At least the vastness and 
abundance of the data should not cause them to be negelected, 
seem conunon, or go to waste. 

4. Will the war tend to increase collectivism at the expense 
of individual activity and initiative? It stands forth already 
as the most perfect example the world has ever seen of com- 
pletely organized teamwork. The individual is only a cog 
in a vast machine. The subaltern and even the lower officer 
knows almost nothing, and indeed one high authority has told 
us that only three men in one of the leading belligerent 
coimtries know anything in regard to the general military 
plan; and very few attempt to understand what is going on 
in other parts of the line in any front. The rest obey literally, 
trusting in the wisdom at the top. They do much and perhaps 
have to face almost certain death in an enterprise that seems to 
them utter folly, and they have no consolation save their faith 
that the leaders know it to be for the good of the whole. This 
is necessary for all effective armies, but in citizens of an auto- 
cratic government it comes easier and is more complete than 
in those pervaded by the spirit of democracy. This, of course, 
is one of the reasons why wars always favor autocratic and 
are imfavorable to democratic institutions. This concentra- 


tion of power often includes the civic community and almost 
anything may be committed, forbidden, commandeered, while 
personal liberty suffers from countless encroachments. So 
mechanized is war to-day that there is ever less opportimity 
for brilliant coups, acts of self-initiated heroism and daring. 
So, too, the esprit de corps of the army is strong and rigid in 
enforcing its collective judgment and sentiment, while if 
internationalism declines, patriotic and perhaps fanatical 
nationalism is incalculably strengthened. Thus it is no wonder 
that when soldiers are at last discharged and go back to civil 
and industrial life, they find it hard to readjust. They have 
lost positions to others who have gained while they have de- 
clined in aptness for their old jobs. Instead of the closer tie 
of companionship in arms there remains only that of fellow- 
citizens. They have grown used to taking orders, to being 
fed, clothed, cared for, and so find it hard to return to doing 
these things for themselves, and expect governmental consid- 
eration in the form of pensions, offices and other favors. They 
lean on the state that they have served, instead of learning to 
begin to exercise their own individual powers. In all these 
ways war is unfavorable to the spirit of democracy and more 
favorable to monarchical tendencies. A few new and power- 
ful leaders arise because a few men have learned to exercise 
command, while the masses have learned to obey. War is 
as necessary for monarchy as peace is for a democracy. One 
over-emphasizes order, system, control; the other magnifies 
beyond bounds unrestrained personal liberty. Here is the 
issue of the present struggle. Germany never had a revolution 
such as in England and in France swept away the spirit and 
even the vestiges of feudalism, which Teutonic genius has 
conserved and transformed into something which at least the 
neutral world must admire. The least governed people can 
perhaps best understand the most governed, and yet here our 
psychology fails to recognize the fact that it is pre-personal- 
ities they have made history, and that it is their s)mthetic 
organization, one with another, that has created civilization 
and culture, and that if these elements or units in the body 
politic, social and industrial, have their freedom, repressed 
according to any wisdom the wit of man has yet devised, the 
whole of which they are members is sure, sooner or later, to 
lose the all-originating power of free and progressive de- 
velc^ment. Despite the penalties of freedom, such as 
license, sometimes d^enerating to vice and crime, de- 
spite disorder, crude, often unsuccessfully and at best oft- 
repeated trial and error methods, if we believe in man and 
in a future that is to be greater than the present, we must 

16 HALL 

believe that the American way will lead mankind to an ever 
higher goal of evolution and emancipation from the countless 
repressions that dwarf and sttmt him in the home, the school, 
church, industry and state. The German superman is for the 
people an irridescent dream evolved in order to compensate 
for the fact of over-institutionalized life, and even the super- 
state there is the state that now is, while our super-man and 
state is that which is to be when individual freedom has done 
its perfect work. 

Finally, in view of all this, should we not in this country, 
along with all our other psychologizing, foster as something 
especially germane to the spirit of our institutions the study of 
individualities and racial and all the other very diversified 
groups which constitute our heterogeneous population, and do 
so not only for the development of anthropological science, 
but with file ideal of fitting each one's aptitudes of body, 
health, native gifts, traits of character, experiences and motor 
patterns, to just that occupation that best fits his own psy- 
chophysic organism, striving to guide each to that environ- 
ment, industrial, social or cultural, in which his personality 
will find most incitement to unfold freely? Should not one 
of our ideals be to give each the kind and degree of self- 
knowledge that will make not only for maximal self-rever- 
ence and self-control, but for maximal freedom and the most 
efficient life? If a democracy achieves greatness it must be 
not by the method of regimentation or any kind of organiza- 
tion imposed from without, but by finding the place in life 
for which each is best fitted. Must we not study individuals 
more than we study vocations, and thus perhaps some day 
may not the very apex of democratic society be found in its 
psychology, charged with the responsibility of seeing to it that 
the best powers of every man are discovered, developed, and 
put to their highest use? 




By Lewis M. Terman, assisted in the tests by Arthur S. Otis, Virgil 

Dickson, O. S. Hubbard, J. K. Norton, Lowry Howard, 

J. K. Flanders and C. C. Cassingham 

On October 31, 1916, the City of San Jose, California, made 
an unusual experiment, perhaps the first of its kind to be made 
in this or any country. The experiment in question involved 
a civil service examination for positions in the police and fire 
departments, based entirely on standardized mental and ped- 
agogical tests. The experiment was proposed to the writer 
by San Jose's city manager. Dr. T. H. Reed, and his assistant, 
Mr. Paul Eliel.^ 

San Jose is a city of about 35,000 population. It employs 
a force of 48 firemen and 29 policemen, and the last budgets 
for these two departments were $73,583 and $40,500; a total 
of $114,083. Considering the size of the departments and 
the fact that tenure in both is permanent, it seemed highly 
desirable to find some means of selecting the best material 
available for the positions to be filled, 'fiie original sugges- 
tion merely had in view the use of some kind of mental test 
as supplementary to the usual form of civil service exam- 
ination along scholastic lines. It was pointed out by us, how- 
ever, that the proficiency of the candidates in the school sub- 
jects could also be much more accurately gauged by the use 
of standardized tests than by any improvised examination, 
a point which was quickly appreciated by the authorities 
responsible. Such an examination was accordingly arranged 
along tlTc lines to be described presently. 

The Intelligence Examination 

We were asked whether it would not be feasible to give 
tests of reaction time, of speed of association, and of certain 
other special capacities which might be supposed to play a 
leading role in determining the efficiency of a fireman or 
policeman. It did not seem to us, however, that either our 

1 Dr. Reed was formerly professor of economics at the University 
of California, and Mr. Eliel is a graduate of Stanford University. 


knowledge of the mental " faculties " needed by policemen 
and firemen, or our present means of testing such hypotheti- 
cal faculties, would offer sufficient warrant for an experiment 
of this kind. On the other hand, we know that " general in- 
telligence" can be measured with a fair degree of success, 
and we have reason to believe that this general intelligence, 
however we define it, is the most important single factor, apart 
from moral integrity, in determining fitness for positions of 
the kind in question. It was decided, accordingly, to limit 
this part of the examination to the use of the Stanford Re- 
vision of the Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale. 

In order to save time, the Stanford-Binet scale was given 
in the abbreviated form, four tests being used out of each 
age group instead of the usual six (six instead of eight in year 
XII), and each weighted proportionately heavier. The scale 
thus abreviated has been found accurate enough for most 
practical purposes. Mr. Otis has shown that the probable 
error of the complete form of the Stanford revision, when 
used with miscellaneous adults testing from about twelve years 
up is a little over five months. When the scale is split into 
halves vertically, and only three tests used out of each g^oup 
(four in year XII), the probable error of a mental age is about 
lo^ months. Accordingly we may assume that when four* 
tests are used in each year, as in this experiment, the probable 
error of the resulting mental ages would be a little more than 
8 months. 

The Pedagogical Examination 

The pedagogical tests given were of five classes: reading, 
writing, spelling, fundamental operations of arithmetic, and 
arithmetical reasoning. 

The reading tests consisted of the Trabue Completion tests 
B and C and the Thomdike Oral Reading Test.* These were 
scored according to the methods set forth by the authors. 

As a test of handwriting, the examinees were directed 
to write the sentence : " A quick brown fox jumps over the 
lazy dog", as well as possible at a moderate rate of speed, 
one minute being allowed. The samples wer^ rated upon the 
Ayres Scale for Measuring the Quality of Handwriting of 

The spelling test was one which had been devised by Mr. 
Otis for purposes of more rapid administration than the ordin- 
ary test. The even numbered words of Starch's first list of 

* See Teachers College Record, Sept. 1914, pp. 67-69. As explained 
by Thomdike, this is chiefly a test of ability to pronounce words and 
net a complete test of reading ability. 



lOO words were chosen as a basis. An alternative spelling of 
each word was prepared in order that the examinee might 
merely indicate which was the correct spelling. The words 
were arranged in pairs as follows : 

4. low { 


12. fell { 


26. bnich 

\ ^' 


38.steal { 

k /> 


44. chaple < 


54. shroud I 

[ i 


62. leoperd ( 


100. inefectuaUty i 

[ i 


In some cases both words were correct spellings, as No. 
38; in other cases neither was correct, as No. 62. This was 
explained and the examinees were cautioned not to infer that 
if one spelling was correct the other would necessarily be in- 
correct, or vice versa. 

The tests in fundamental operations of arithmetic were the 
tests in the adding, substracting, multiplying, and dividing 
series of single combinations found in Courtis' Standard Tests, 
earlier style. The times allowed for these tests were respec- 
tively I minute, i minute, ij4 minutes and 2 minutes. The 
number of correct combinations solved in a given time was 
the score in each test. 

The test in arithmetical reasoning consisted of 25 problems, 
arranged in approximate order of difficulty, and was very 
similar to the Courtis reasoning tests. The solution was not 
required, but merely an indication of the operation involved, 
whether +, — , X> or -7-. The proper sign was to be in- 
serted, thus: 

I. If a train goes 40 miles per hour for S hours, how many 
miles does it go? 40 S= 2ms. 

16. If a rod of iron 10 feet long is reduced in length to 
9.5 feet by twisting, how many feet long must a rod be before 
twisting to be 20 feet long after twisting? 10 9.5 = ans. 

Conditions Under Which The Examinations Were Made 

Thirty candidates presented themselves in competition for 
the ten or twelve prospective openings. Most of these were 
for positions in the fire department. The writer was present, 
with seven graduate students to act as assistants. Seven 
candidates were given the intelligence test simultaneously, 
each in a separate room of the dty hall and with only the 


examiner present.* The only exception to this was in the 
case of two examinations, to each of which two auditors were 
admitted. As soon as the first seven candidates had completed 
this individual examination, all were assembled in another 
room and given the pedagogical tests in a group. Then seven 
other candidates were taken through the same procedure, 
and so on until the thirty candidates had completed the 

The individual examinations, including the completion and 
reading tests, ordinarily consumed a littie more than an hour, 
and the remaining pedagogical tests considerably less than 
an hour. The rooms in which the examinations were con- 
ducted were reasonably quiet and comfortable and the con- 
ditions in general were favorable. All of the assistants were 
students in a class studying intelligence tests, and all had 
taken extensive instruction in the Stanford-Binet procedure. 
The responses were taken down as nearly as possible verbatim, 
and to insure uniformity, the scoring was all checked up by 
the writer. It was found, however, that few errors had been 
made by the individual examiners in scoring. Credit for one 
test had been wrongly given or withheld in the case of nine 
subjects, and for two tests in the case of one subject. In the 
latter case the two errors offset each other and left a correct 

With but one or two exceptions the candidates were en- 
tirely amenable and, to all outward appearance, interested. 
No really serious opposition was met, and only in one case 
was there any question of invalidation of the test result due 
to the attitude of the subject. Careful examination of all 
the records of this subject convinced us that his very low 
scores were due to stupidity rather than to his obstinate and 
critical attitude. Naturally, there were some expressions of 
surprise and also occasional questions regarding the relation 
between the work of a fireman or policeman and the abilities 
called for by the tests. Perhaps it would hardly be fair to 
expect our candidates to see any very intimate tearing of 
such tests as naming sixty words in three minutes, defining 
abstract words, reversing in imagination the hands of a clock, 
giving the moral of a fable, interpreting pictures, finding simi- 
larities, or filling a Trabue blank, on the handling of a fire 
cart or on the traditional duties of a policeman. Nevertheless, 
several of the cahdidates, for the most part those who ranked 
high in intelligence, volunteered their hearty approval of the 
novel kind of examination. A clerk in one of the city offices 
became so interested during the day that he asked permission 

* The Trabue completion test and the Thomdike reading test were 
also given at this time. 



to take the tests himself, just to see what he could do, a 
privilege which was gladly accorded him. 

Personnel Of The Candidates , 

All of the candidates were American bom. All but six 
were of Western European descent. The exceptions inchided 
four Spanish and two of Italian extraction. All spoke Eng- 
lish without noticeable accent. Only two were of Irish 
descent! , 

The range in age was from 21 to 38 years, the median fall- 
ing at about 30 years. 

From questions regarding the extent of their schooling, 
it was foimd that only nine had completed the eighth grade, 
and that only four had attended a higher school. Five had 
not completed the sixth grade. Of the four who had attended 
high school, none had gone beyond the second year. Com- 
parison of the highest grade reached with the age of leaving 
school revealed the fact that at least half of the candidates 
were two or more years below grade when they left school. 
Several had evidently belonged to that group of school chil- 
dren so well known to all teachers because of their all-round 
inability to make progress in their studies. 

The incomes of the candidates during the past year ranged 
all the way from $420 to $1,350, the median being $960. The 
salaries of the positions competed for in the fire and police 
departments b^;in at $900 per year and increase by annual 
increments of $100 to a maximum of $1,200, with liberal re 
tiring allowance at the age of 65. 

Of the occupations which the candidates were following 
just previous to the examination, 7 may be classed as unskilled, 
15 as semi-skilled or low-grade clerical, and 6 as skilled or 
high-grade clerical. The occupations of two candidates were 
not learned. 

Results of the Intelligence Examination 

The mental levels resulting from the Stanford-Binet test 
range from ** superior adult " to below the borderline of 
mental deficiency. The actual distribution of " mental ages " 

was a 








































The above table shows the mental ages grouped in ranges 
of six months, the 12-6 group including the mental ages irom 
12-4 to 12-9, inclusive, and similarly for the other groups. 

Converting the mental ages into intelligence quotients, dis- 
regarding actual age above sixteen years, we have the follow- 
ing distribution : 



























The median mental age was 13-5, or IQ 84. The lowest 
quartile (in this case the lowest seven) fell below IQ 78; the 
highest quartile (highest seven), above IQ 91. 

In the light of Stanford University tests of various social 
groups the significance of the above results may be indicated 
as follows : the lowest individual, and probably also the next 
lowest, may be termed intellectually feeble; the next two 
(70-74 group) are near the borderline of intellectual feeble- 
ness; the next six (75-79 group) are very inferior; the eleven 
in the two groups 80-84 ^uid 85-89 belong to the ** inferior 
adult " level ; the eight between 90 and 109 are " average 
adults"; and the one reaching 112 belongs distinctly to the 
level we have designated as " superior adult." 

These mental ages and IQ's will doubtless seem very low 
to those who have been accustomed to draw the line between 
normality and mental deficiency in adults at the 12-year mental 
level, or 751 IQ. In reality, of course, there is no clear line 
of (demarcation between normality and feeble-4nindedness. 
The distinction is arbitrary, and whatever standard is taken 
there will always be more borderline cases than high-g^ade 
defectives. Tests of various industrial groups have convinced 
us that the usually accepted twelve year standard is so high 
as to include in the " defective " class a fairly large propor- 
tion of reasonably efficient unskilled laborers. In all proba- 
bility not far from five per cent of unselected adults in the 
average community have an intelligence level not superior 
to that of the average child of twelve years. It seems that 
twelve-year intelligence, if backed by physical strength and 
law-abiding habits, is ample for pick-and-shovel purposes, 
and probably for many other kinds of unskilled labor. Those 
who fall as low as 10 years, however, are rarely "able to 
manage themselves or their aflFairs with ordinary prudence." 


Adults who test in the neighborhood of eleven years may or 
may not be in danger of becoming social incompetents. Much 
depends upon their training, their emotional traits, their physi- 
cal strei^th, the amount of assistance rendered them by 
solicitous relatives and friends, the conditions of the labor 
market, etc. It would be a serious mistake to suppose that 
intelligence is the only criterion of social and industrial 

As we have pointed out elsewhere,* the term f eeble-minded- 
ness is currently used in two different senses, one referring 
to the intellectual status of an individual, the other to his in- 
ability to get on in the world. It is the failure to make this 
distinction which has provoked so much discussion, sometimes 
of acrimonious nature, as to who is feeble-minded. In the 
hope that it would contribute to a better mutual understand- 
ing among the workers, we have suggested that we substitute 
for the ambiguous term " feeble-minded " the two terms " in- 
tellectually feeble " and " socially feeble." The diagnosis of 
intellectual feebleness is absolute, as intelligence is a definitely 
measurable thing. The diagnosis of social feebleness will 
always be relative and less exact, for the reason that one's 
ability to escape social incompetency is aflfected by so many 
extraneous and unpredictable factors of environment and by 
so many other mental and also physical traits. We have 
recommended that the term " intellectually feeble " be applied 
to those who test below 70 IQ by the Stanford-Binet scale. 
For adults this would include in the group of intellectually 
feeble those testing as low as 11 years. Our data lead us to 
believe that the large majority testing below this point are 
also likely to fall into the class of socially feeble, on any 
reasonable interpretation of the term. Those testing between 
70 and 75 may or may not be socially feeble, but the range 
of the latter class doubtless extends in some cases as high as 
80 IQ or even higher. 

In testing school children we have found that those who 
fall below 75 IQ are rarely able to do the work above the 
seventh grade with average marks, however long they remain 
in school, although such children are sometimes promoted to 
the eighth g^ade or even to the high school " because of age 
and maturity." Those below 70 IQ rarely do much of the 
work beyond the sixth grade satisfactorily. A child of IQ as 
low as 85 is rarely able to make much headway in the average 
California high school, while few are able to graduate from 

**Thc Binct Scale and the Diagnosis lof Feeble-Mindedness/' 
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, November, 1916. 


a high school who fall as low as 90. It should be stated, how- 
ever, that the limits of IQ within which various degrees of 
school success are attainable have not yet been ascertained 
with accuracy. Several Stanford University students are at 
work on this problem. 

The minimum IQ compatible with efficiency in the case 
of policemen or firemen is not yet known, easy as it would 
be to ascertain it. In the absence of a more definitely estab- 
lished standard we recommended that in this case all candi- 
dates be rejected who graded lower than 80 IQ. This recom- 
mendation was accepted by the city manager, with the result 
that ten of the thirty candidates were thus eliminated. The 
remaining twenty candidates were given a final rank order 
by combining the rank order resulting from the intelligence 
test with that resulting from the pedagogical tests taken to- 
gether, giving double weight to the intelligence test. This 
procedure is arbitrary, but it is probably as defensible as any 
of the other methods which suggested themselves. 

Our own examination was only one of four criteria em- 
ployed by the city manager in determining the fitness of the 
candidates. The other three included a thorough medical 
examination of each candidate, a series of physical tests (such 
as strength, running and rope climbing), and personal and 
moral qualities as indicated by previous record, testimony of 
disinterested persons, etc. We are not here concerned with 
these aspects of the total examination, further than to state 
that all testing above 80 IQ were placed on the eligible list 
except two who were rejected on the physical tests, and that 
all who tested below 80 were rejected without further con- 
sideration. The latter group included four individuals who, 
at the time of the examination, were already serving in the 
fire department as " extras ", having gotten their positions 
under the political system of city government which existed 
before the city manager came into office. The IQ's of these 
four men were 63, 74, ^^, and 79. 

Correlations of the Mental and Pedagogical Tests 

In intercorrelations for mental age, vocabulary (a part of 
the Stanford-Binet test), monthly salary at the time of the 
examination, and the scores earned in the several pedagogical 
tests were ascertained by the Spearman footrule, and the R's 
were then converted into r values by a conversion table. 
The results are set forth in the following table: 











Mental age 



completion. . . 






























It will be observed that all of the correlations are positive 
and that most of them are fairly high. The probable error 
is .078. In the main, however, mental age, vocabulary, com- 
pletion and arithmetical reasoning give higher correlations 
with one another than reading, writing, spelling, and funda- 
mentals give with one another or with the several tests of the 
first group. The first four are preeminently tests of general 
intelligence, the last four depend more upon special factors. 
Salary g^ves higher correlations with the first group than 
with the last ; that is, it depends more upon general intelligence 
than upon such special factors as are involved in reading, 
writing, fundamentals and spelling. 

If we consider mental age, vocabulary, arithmetical reason- 
ing, and ability in the completion test as dependent mainly 
upon general intelligence, as would be suggested by the table 
of correlations, it is interesting to find the average correla- 
tion of each item with this group. Doing this we have the 
following : 


Average correlation with 

mental age, vocabulary, 

arithmetical reasoning, and Trabue 

Spelling .335 

Handwriting 345 

Reading 415 

Salary 52 

Fundamentals 605 

Completion 64 (with other three) 

Vocabulary 666 (with other three) 

Mental age 72 (with other three) 

Arith. reasoning 728 

The average correlation of reading, handwriting, spelling, 
and fundamentals with each other is .405. It is evident, there- 
fore, that the special factors operating in these tests are about 
as much independent of one another as they are independent 
of general intelligence. On the other hand, the average cor- 
relation of mental age, vocabulary, completion ability, and 
arithmetical reasoning with each other was .688, showing that 
these tests draw heavily upon a common factor. 

The abbreviated Stanford-Binet scale was split vertically 
in halves in order to find the correlation of each half with 
the other. When treated in this way each half of the abbrevi- 
ated scale becomes a doubly abbreviated scale, having only two 
tests in each group, except year XII, in which there are three. 
The mental ages were then computed on each of these doubly 
abbreviated scales by giving each test double weight. The 
resulting mental ages gave a correlation of .69 between the 
two halves. This is large enough to indicate a fairly high 
reliability for the form of the scale used. 

In similar manner the subjects were ranked separately in 
the Trabue completion tests B and C, the resulting correla- 
tion being .71. This high correlation is what should be ex- 
pected, considering the almost identical nature of the two com- 
pletion tests. 

Especially noteworthy is the high correlation of salary with 
intelligence as indicated by such tests as mental age, vocabu- 
lary, Trabue, and arithmetical reasoning. As an indication 
of general intelligence salary is far more significant than profi- 
ciency in one of the school subjects. 

The correlation of salary with age was positive but sur- 
prisingly low, namely .21. We may conclude, therefore, that 
the earning capacity of individuals like those which compose 
our group is determined far more by general intelligence than 
by length of service. 

The enormous superiority of skilled over unskilled workers 
in general intelligence is shown in the following table: ; 



Occupational group 




Range of IQ 

63 to 89 

74 to 96 

84 to 112 

Average IQ 


When similar data are available for large numbers in all \ 
the main occupational groups, intelligence scales will play J 
an important role in vocational guidance. 

Between age and mental age there was no significant cor- 
relation ( — .05). The correlation of age with completion 
ability and arithmetical reasoning was — .07 and .03, respec- 
tively. Insofar as our subjects are representative of their 
several ages it appears that the tests we have used are abso- 
lutely uninfluenced by age differences between 21 and 38 
years — that they are little affected by the incidental experi- 
ences of adult life. 

The correlation between mental age and amount of school- 
ing could not be ascertained accurately for the reason that 
21 of the 30 candidates had left school either in the seventh 
or eighth grade. It was also impossible to learn in all cases 
the exact number of years a candidate had spent in school. 
It is significant, however, that the three subjects who failed 
to reach the sixth grade tested at 74, yy, and 78 IQ, and that 
the two who reached the second year of high school tested 
108 and 112. The average IQ of those who left school at 
the seventh grade was 81.3; of those who left at the eighth 
grade, 84. This is in harmony with numerous investigations 
which have shown that inferior ability is one of the important 
factors operating in favor of elimination from school. Such 
facts would warrant excluding from examination for positions 
of this kind all applicants who have not completed a certain 
minimtun of school work, say that represented by graduation 
from the eighth grade, or preferably the high school. 

Those who assisted in the tests were asked to compare the 
results of each test with the expectations aroused by the gen- 
eral personal appearance of the subject. No effort was made 
to get a quantitative expression of the agreement or disagree- 
ment, but every assistant met with one or more cases in which 
the test result was decidedly higher or lower than the appear- 
ance of the subject had suggested. It seems highly desirable 
that some means be employed to serve as a check upon the 


influence of '' good looks " in the sifting of candidates for a 

Miscellaneous Observations 

It would be highly instructive to compare men and women 
workers as regards the salary outlook for various grades of 
intelligence. The median IQ of the eighteen candidates who 
were placed in the eligible list was 89. Seven of these tested 
between 80 and 85. However long they remain in school, 
individuals of the 80 grade have the greatest difficulty in 
completing satisfactorily the work of the eighth grade ; those 
of the 90 grade, the high school course. Yet the salary which 
these men will be paid as policemen and firemen exceeds by 
far that of the average California teacher, who according 
to an investigation now in progress, rarely tests as low as 100 
IQ and usually above no. It is unnecessary to dwell upon 
the economic injustice revealed by such findings. 

The following data regarding individual applicants may 
be of interest: 

No. 30,* whose IQ was 63, is employed in his father's store 
at a salary of $25 per month. Since this man is 34 years of 
age and lives in a community where the common unskilled 
laborer readily earns from $50 to $60 per month, it appears 
that he belongs in the socially feeble as well as in the intel- 
lectually feeble group. Notwithstanding this fact, he had pre- 
viously secured a position a" an "extra" in the fire depart- 
ment. His father is said to be a man of some local 

Information regarding No. 29 (IQ 67) was obtained from 
a responsible clerk in one ot the city offices. Our informant, 
who had commanded a militia company in which No. 29 was 
a private, states that he had long considered him to be defi- 
nitely feeble-minded. The best job this applicant had held was 
as stationary fireman in a hotel. He had lost this and at the 
time of the examination was without regular employment. 
Again* the intellectual feebleness indicated by the intelligence 
test is supported by the suggestion of social feebleness. 

Our above mentioned informant had also had No. 28 (IQ 
71) in his militia company, and states that, although the latter 
is extremely stupid, he is not considered feeble-minded. He 
has worked as a hotel porter at $40 per month, and as rail- 
road signalman at $65 per month. It is true that the duties 
of railroad signalmen are extremely simple, but it is also true 
that the careful and attentive performance of these duties is 

^The numbers here used refer to rank order in intelligence. 


a matter of great importance. Whether it is safe to entrust 
such a task to a person of 71 IQ is doubtful, to say the least. 

No. 2T, aged 34, IQ 74, claims to have earned $80 per 
month as a stage carpenter. He had also served as an " extra " 
in the fire department. No other information was available. 

No. 26, aged 30, IQ yy^ was a laborer in a «aw mill at $40 
per month. He had also served a term in the regular army, 
rising to the rank of sergeant. After failing in this examina- 
tion he returned to the army. 

No. 24, IQ jy, had worked as a paper hanger at $18 per 
week, and had served as an ** extra " in the fire department. 

No. 23 was a teamster, No. 22 was a deliveryman for a 
grocery store and had served as an " extra " in the fire depart- 
ment, and No. 21 had no occupation other than as an " extra " 
on the fire force. These tested at 78, 78, and 79, respectively. 

No. 20, aged 34, IQ 81, had served several years as a police- 
man in an eastern state at $65 to $80 per month. 

Our informant stated that he expected No. 16 (IQ 83), 
to test much higher than he did. This individual is a street 
car conductor and is said to be very popular with his patrons 
because of his genial good nature, his interest in people and 
his memory for names. He is an Irishman and his racial 
social traits have doubtless led his friends to overestimate 
his grade of intelligence. 

No. I, aged 31, IQ 112, had completed the second year of 
high school, had taken an extensive correspondence course 
in the International Correspondence School sJone; commercial 
lines, and had earned as high as $125 per montn as a sales- 
man. His purpose in seeking a position in the fire department 
was to secure leisure for carrying on another correspondence 
course in expert accounting. His mother had been a teacher. 

The clerk in the city hall who was given the tests as re- 
quested, earned an IQ of 113 and ranked first in both the 
mental and pedagogical tests. He was graduated from high 
school and attended a university for one year. He is said to 
be very efficient. 

In conclusion, while emphasizing the tentative nature of 
our experiment we would point out the need of further work 
in this direction, and especially the desirability of correlating 
the results of mental tests with the later success of the accepted 
candidates. Our data lead us to believe that intelligence tests 
are likely to be found a valuable aid in the selection of appli- 
cants for certain types of positions. In order to utilize fully 
the advantages of the test method for this purpose, however, 
it will be neceseary to secure comparative norms of perform- 
ance for various occupational groups. 


By Professor John Wallace 3aird, Clark University 

I. Introduction 

The New York Telephone Company recently found itself 
confronted by a serious practical problem. Their telephone 
directory contained nearly one thousand pages; these pages 
were approximately nine by twelve inches, and the volume 
was nearly an inch and a half thick. Since many names of 
new subscribers were being added with every new issue of 
the directory, it seemed inevitable that future issues of the 
volume would become too unwieldy and cumbersome to handle 
eflfectively. IneflFective handling of the directory on the part 
of the user of the telephone must result in misreadings and 
errors; and since the New York Telephone Company handles 
millions of calls every day, it is a matter of paramount im- 
portance that the directory should be printed in such form 
as to insure the greatest possible accuracy of reading. 

All of these circumstances raised the interesting practical 
problem in the minds of the Engineering Department of the 
Telephone Company: Is it not possible to condense the size 
of the telephone directory, and thus make future issues of 
it less difficult to handle and less subject to misreading? And 
if so, what is the best plan to follow in improving the form 
6f the directory? Accordingly, Mr. W. A. Benfley of the 
Engineering Department of the New York Telephone Com- 
pany, consulted with the writer; and an experimental inves- 
tigation of the problem was undertaken. The writer is in- 
debted to Mr. Bentley for valuable cooperation and helpful 
suggestions throughout the investigation; and to Messrs. L. 
W. Robinson, B. K. Rhoades and P. K. Houston, employees 
of the New York Telephone Company, for their diligent and 
painstaking work in obtaining .the data upon which this study 
is based. 

II. Experimental Investigation 

A. Materials and Method of Procedure 

A general survey of the situation indicated that the most 
hopeful method of bringing about the desired result would 
consist in printing four columns of subscribers* names to the 


page, instead of the existing three-column arrangement. This 
plan would of course result in a considerable reduction in 
the number of pages in the directory ; but it seemed probable 
that an increase in the nimiber of columns upcm the page 
would make it more difficult to find the telephone number of 
any given subscriber, — ^that is, that an increase in the con- 
tent of the page would decrease the legibility and would 
result in an increase of time required for consulting the 
directory. I 

In order to counteract this probable tendency toward in- 
creased illegibility two expedients were devised : 

a. Indentation. When a reader consults a printed list, such 
as the names in a telephone directory, his misreadings are 
frequently due to the fact that his glance fails to follow the 
printed line accurately ; in hastily glancing across the column, 
from the subscriber's name at the left to his telephone num- 
ber at the right, the reader's regard frequently wanders either 
upward or downward to an adjacent line, instead of follow- 
ing a horizontal direction. In consequence of this he reads 
the telephone number which appears in the adjacent line, 
immediately above or immediately below the number sought. 
Such misreadings or errors of reference are especially fre- 
quent in cases where the printed letters do not completely fill 
the line, — that is, where a blank space intervenes at the center 
of the column, and where, therefore, no horizontal line is 
present to serve as a guide to the eye-movement of the reader. 
Now it seemed probable that this particular type of misread- 
ing could best be obviated by printing the parallel columns 
of names and numbers in alternately indented arrangement, 
— ^that is, by indenting every alternate line of the list of names 
and numbers, and thus printing it a short distance to the 
right or left of the preceding and succeeding lines. This form 
of printed page we shall call Page- Arrangement C (see illus- 
tration, p. 32). 

b. Leading, Previous investigations of legibility* have 
shown that the blank space which appears between adjacent 
lines of a printed page is a potent factor in determining the 
legibility of the page. Within certain limits degree of legibil- "* 
ity varies directly with the width of this blank space (or thick- 
ness of leading). Unfortunately, in the present instance it 
was not feasible to insert any considerable thickness of lead- 
ing between adjacent lines for the reason that the insertion 
of one-eighteenth of an inch would result in a loss of all of 

» Notably B. E. Roethlein, The Relative Legibility of Different Faces 
of Printing Types. Amer, Jour, Psychol, XXIII, 1912, pp. 1-36. 




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the space which had been gained by adopting the four-column 
arrangement of page. Hence it was decided to determine j 
whether the inserting of a modicum of leading , (one-seventy-, 
second of an inch) would not have the desired effect. 

We selected four arrangements of pa^e, and had these four 
prepared by the printer; and the investigation then set out to 
discover which page-arrangement possesses the greatest ad- 
vantages. These four arrangements of page were as follows : 
I. A four-column page, set by the printer in exactly the same 
form as the existing page of the directory with the sole dif- 
ference that under the new arrangement the page contained 
four columns instead of three.* This arrangement of page 
is referred to hereafter as the B Arrangement, or -the Four- 
Column Page Ordinary (see illustration). 2. A page was 
arranged exactly like the foregoing, excepting that every 
alternate line was indented, — ^hereafter referred to as the C- 
Arrangement, or the Four-Column Page Indented. 3. The 
next arrangement differed from the ordinary four-column 
page only in that instead of being set 'solid' the lines were 
separated from one another by half a point of leading, — ^here- 
after referred to as the D-Arrangement, or the Four-Column 
Page Leaded. 4. In order to have a standard of comparison 
we also employed pages irom the existing directory; this 
arrangement we shall refer to as the A-Arrangement, or the 
Three-Column Page Ordinary. 

The investigation consisted essentially in determining how 
much time is required to find the telephone number of a 
given subscriber selected from each of these four arrange- 
ments of page. The detailed procedure in conducting the 
investigation was as follows: Each of the twelve pages to 
be tested (an I-page, an M-page and an S-page, printed in 
each of the four page-arrangements) was mounted upon a 
sheet of cardboard and bound in the form of a booklet. An 
appropriate room was set apart for the experiments; and a 
carefully-planned schedule of experimental sittings was ar- 
ranged before the experiments began. When any reagent* 
entered the room he was placed in a comfortable seat, which 
occupied a constant position, i After a * ready ' signal, the name 
of a subscriber was either read aloud to him by the experi- 
menter or was shown to him upon a printed card. The reagent 

^ The form of letter tiscd in printing page-arrangetnents B, C and 
D was slightly different from that which had been used in former 
issues of the directory (page-arrangement A), — the innovation con- 
sisting essentially in a slight condensation of the width of the letters. 

*Tne individuals who served as subjects in these experiments will 
be referred to as reagents. > 


first repeated this name aloud in order to make sure that he 
had perceived it correctly; then he opened the booklet which 
lay before him on the table and proceeded to find the tele- 
phone exchange and the number listed opposite the given 
name. The experimenter, by means of a stop-watch, de- 
termined the amount of time required for finding the exchange 
and number, — measuring the time which elapsed from the 
instant when the reagent opened the booklet until he pro- 
nounced the name of the exdiange and the telephone number. 
This procedure was carried through without change for all 

In order to eliminate the influence of accidental conditions, 
and to make our results not only more accurate and reliable 
but also more subject to general interpretation, the following 
precautions were observed: Thirty-two reagents were em- 
ployed, and care was taken that these individuals should rep- 
resent various degrees of intelligence and various degrees 
of practice and skill in the use of the directory. These thirty- 
two individuals were all chosen from among the employees of 
the Telephone Company ; eight were selected from the installa- 
tion force (Plant Department), eight from the solicitors and 
other outside workers of the Commercial Department (Com- 
mercial Outside Department), eight from the office force of 
the Commercial Department (Commercial Inside Department), 
and eight from the Directory Department. Individuals were 
selected who possessed various degrees of visual acuity and 
refractive defect; and in order that the conditions of our 
experiment might further approximate the actual conditions 
under which the directory is ordinarily consulted, various 
degrees of natural and artificial illumination were included 
in the experiments. In order further to eliminate accidental 
circumstances, both easy and difficult pages were included in 
the test; pages whose names began with the initials I, M and 
S were found to vary sufficiently in difficulty to fulfil the 
necessary conditions here The names were presented to the 
reagent alternately in oral and in visual (t3rpewritten) fashion. 
Each of the thirty-two reagents was given thirty tests with 
each of the four arrangements of page, making a total of 
more than thirty-eight hundred individual tests. The experi- 
ments were arranged in such fashion as to eliminate or at 
least to neutralize the eflfects of practice, the testing of the 
various page-arrangements being so distributed that no page- 
arrangement would profit more than any other from the prac- 
tice which the reagent had acquired in the course of the experi- 
ments. Care was taken to provide that the experimental sit- 
tings should be so short as not to give rise to fatigue. 



B. Results 

The numerical results of these experiments are presented 
in Table I. The numbers tabulated represent the average 
times required for finding the telephone number of a given 
subscriber (finding-time) by each of the four groups of in- 
dividuals, with each of the four arrangements of page, — all 
of these finding-times being recorded in seconds. The num- 
bers in the lowest line of the table represent the average find- 
ing-time for all reagents of the four groups, — that is, for the 
thirty-two reagents. 


Tk€ HumtTteai data tabulated ktrt rept€S€nt tkt aperage findini-tim* of eaek group of rtagtnts^ for eaek 
of tkt four arranitnunts of pate, — that is, tkt auragt time required for finding tke telepkone nufnber of 
a gieen subscriber witk eaek oftkese four sariaiions of printed page, — logetker teitk tke general aserage, 
or aeerage finding-time of all tkirty-two reagents. Back aeerage tn tke first four lines of the table is com- 
puted from two mtndred and forty indieidual tests; and eaek general aserage, set down at tke foot of eaek 
eolumm, is an average of nine hundred and sixty inditidual tests. 










Employees of "Plant" 

Average finding-tinoe. 
Mean variation 

13.96 sec. 
5.36 sec 

16.98 sec. 
7.23 sec 

15.22 sec 
634 sec 

14.63 sec. 
5.91 sec. 

Employees of "Commer- 
cial Outside" Dep't. . . 

Average finding-time. 
Mean variation 

10.21 sec 
4.42 sec 

9.82 sec. 
3.89 sec 

9.69 sec. 
3.15 sec 

8.20 sec 
2.67 sec. 

Employees of "Commer- 
cial Inside" Dep't, . . . 

Average finding-time. 
Mean variation 

10.26 sec 
2.80 sec. 

9.81 sec. 
2.75 sec 

9.56 sec. 
3.96 sec. 

8.56 sec. 
2.54 sec. 

Employees of ** Direc- 
tory* Dep't 

Average finding-time. 
Mean variation 

7.00 sec 
2.22 sec 

6.16 sec 
1.93 sec. 

6.04 sec 
1.69 sec 

5.65 sec. 
1.30 sec. 

10.36 sec ± 
3.69 sec 

10.69 sec ± 
3.95 sec 

10.14 sec ± 

3.79 sec. 

9.28 sec. ± 
3.20 sec. 

A survey of this table shows that the average time required 
for finding a telephone number in the old directory (three- 
column page) is 10.36 seconds. When the names of the sub- 
scribers are printed in a four-column arrangement, without 
indentation and without leadine, the finding-time is slightly 
increased, — being raised to 10.69 seconds. When the four- 
column page is printed in indented arrangement the finding- 
time is reduced to 10.14 seconds. And when the four-column 
page is very slightly leaded the finding-time is reduced to 9.28 
seconds. This means that the ordinary four-column page and 
the ordinary three-column page are about equally legible; 
that the use of the indented form of column increases the 
lability by about five per cent. ; and that the insertion of half 
a point of leading increases the legibility by about thirteen 
per cent. 


The statements in the foregoing paragraph are based upon 
results obtained from all four groups of reagents. The mem- 
bers of these four groups represented widely different stations 
in life, and widely different degrees of practice and skill in 
consulting such a work of reference as the telephone directory.* 
If now we ignore the results obtained from the installation 
force, — who were manual laborers and infrequent users of 
the telephone, — and average the results of the three other 
groups, we find that the leaded four-column page excels the 
old three-column page by approximately eighteen per cent. 
The members of these three groups r^resent the most fre- 
quent and perhaps the average and t3rpical users of the tele- 
phone; and hence it seems probable that eighteen per cent, 
is a more accurate measure of the superior excellence of the 
four-column leaded arrangement than the percentage quoted 
in the foregoing paragraph, since the employees of the Plant 
Department probably represent a class of society which makes 
but infrequent use of the telephone directory. 

And since the employees of the Directory Department 
possess a d^ree of skill and dexterity in the use of the direct- 
ory which is seldom approximated by the average subscriber, 
it would be interesting to ignore their results and to consider 
only the results obtained from the employees of the Commer- 
cial Department. The sixteen members of this latter g^oup 
probably represent the average users of the telephone more 
adequately than the members of the other two groups. The 
finding-times of these sixteen individuals show an average of 
10.24 seconds for the three-column page, and 8.38 seconds 
for the four-column leaded page, — a superiority of slightly 
more than eighteen per cent These considerations indicate that 
the four-column leaded page is equally advantageous for the 
ordinary individual and for the highly expert individual. In 
any case, it is obvious that the four-column leaded page is 
much more legible than the page of the old directory, and 
considerably more legible than either of the other two page- 
arrangements tested. 

In consequence of this investigation the New York Tele- 
phone Company selected the D-Arrangement of page, and in 
the next issue of their directory the names of their subscribers 

^The group from the Plant Department represented skilled manual 
labor raUier than the ordinary type of manual labor. The group from 
the Commercial Outside Department represented the average type of 
outdoor salesman. The group .from the Commercial Inside Depart- 
ment represented a combination of high-class clerical labor and inside 
salesmanship. The group from the Directory Department represented 
the maximum degree of practice and skill in using the directory. 


were printed four columns to the page, the lines of print being 
separated from one another by half a point of leading. The 
new directory is not only more legible than the old by more 
than ten per cent, but it also reduces the bulk by approximately 
twenty per cent, (a decrease of about two hundred pages). 

Two other features of our results may be mentioned here. 
The indented fonn of page proves to be but little superior to 
the ordinary form of page; indenting turns out to be much 
less efficacious than leading. If we may assume that alternate 
indentation really facilitates the reader's endeavor to follow 
the horizontal line of print, our data would seem to indicate 
that misreadings which are due to the crowded condition of 
the printed page are of much greater significance than mis- 
readings which are due to one's tendency to wander away from 
the horizontal line of print. 

Our data furnish a measure of the effects of practice in 
using the telephone directory. The average finding-titiie of 
the most practiced group of reagents, — ^the employees of the 
Directory Department, — is only about two-fifths as long as the 
average finding-time of the least practiced group, — the em- 
ployees of the Plant Department, — ^the average finding-time 
being 6.46 seconds for the former group and 15.20 seconds 
for the latter group. . ' 


By W. V. Bingham 
Carnegie Institute of Technology 

I. The Demand for Student Testing. 

a. Six- fold source of the present practical demand. 

1. Selection of students for admission. 

2. Classification of students according to 


3. Determination of individual aptitudes 

and abilities, 
i. For educational guidance, 
ii. For vocational counsel. 

4. Diagnosis of failures. 

5. Cooperation with the placement bureau. 

6. Measurement of the results of instruc- 


b. Relation to the theoretical interest in individual 

II. The Problems Qassified. 

a. Devising and adapting tests. 

b. Standardizing tests. 

c. Calibrating tests: methods of scoring. 

d. Evaluating tests. 

e. Establishing norms. 

III. A Program of Cooperative Research. 

a. Assembly of scattered information now avail- 


b. Selection of a nucleus of uniform standard tests. 

c. Inter-laboratory cooperation on research prob- 


I. The Demand 

The rapidly growing demand upon the departments of 
psychology in colleges and universities to render immediate, 
practical service through the application of scientific methods 
of measurement to the mental traits of students, has its root 

1 Read before the American Psychological Association in New York, 
December 29, 19 16. 


in at least six distinguishable needs. The first of these ap- 
pears in connection with the selection of students for ad- 
mission, and takes the form of a plea for some measure of 
a student's native ability, with which to supplement the in- 
formation obtainable from secondary school records, entrance 
examinations, and personal interviews with the applicants. 

The need for a ready means of classifying students into 
sections according to ability is a second cause of the request 
for mentality testing of collie students. 

More frequently mentioned and infinitely more difficult 
of accomplishment is the task of testing for special abilities 
and vocational aptitudes, in order that the individual student 
may be given educational counsel and vocational direction, 
or, as Kitson has phrased it, in order that the curriculum 
may be adjusted to the student. 

The adjustment of the student to the curriculum is a com- 
plementary task in which the deans and student advisors are 
calling upon the psychologists to assist by bringing mentality 
tests to bear in diagnosing the causes of a student's failure 
to do good work. 

A fifth demand comes from the placement bureau, which 
seeks information regarding the abilities of the outgoing 
seniors with which to supplement records of scholarship and 
the opinions of the instructors. 

The sixth demand is for a means of measuring the results 
of instruction and, by testing the abilities of students before 
and after their period of study, determining the comparative 
efficiency of rival schools, curricula, methods and educational 

An additional motive which has impelled many to turn 
their efforts in the direction of mentality testing of under- 
graduates is one which arises from within the science itself: 
the scientific interest in the exploration of individual differ- 
ences, their nature, amount and causes. Indeed, historically, 
this is the original spring of interest in student testing. (4) 
Moreover, many of the actual problems of testing have been 
solved, or will in the future be faced, by psychologists whose 
interest is purely scientific and who care not a whit about 
the possible utility of the tools they iorge. Some of these 
scientists deplore the trend toward application, and profess 
a high degree of apprehension lest the pursuit of truth about 
human nature be deflected and led into confusion by the de- 
mands of the practical. A wiser attitude is the one which 
maintains a cautious circumspection regarding the possibili- 
ties and the demands of applied psychology, but finds, never- 
theless, in these demands, a powerful impetus to pure sci- 


ence, an augmented motive toward painstaking research, a 
stimulus and not a menace. 

The advantages of cooperation do not, I maintain, accrue 
solely to the party of the second part. While striving toward 
an accumulation of information and insight which will have 
some worth for the individual tested, we are constantly elab- 
orating methods and gathering data upon which pure psy- 
chology can draw in its studies of character, intelligence and 
other traits of mind. It is through the further accumtdation 
of facts — measurements, profiles, distributicms, correlations — 
that the psychologist of the next generation will find it pos- 
sible to replace both the arm-chair analyst's hazy and verbose 
picture of human nature and the laboratory analyst's skeleton- 
like caricature of it, with an account that! is both scientifically 
accurate and recognizably adequate to the living reality. 

There ought then to be no hesitancy. The hearty support 
and active cooperation of workers in the realm of pure psy- 
chology is absolutely essential to the development of the ap- 
plied science ; and it is with confidence that we who are pri- 
marily occupied with application, turn to our colleagues of 
purity unimpugned for help in attacking precisely these prob- 
lems of mental analysis, measurement, diagnosis and prog- 
nostication which are being forced upon us by the college 
administrator's demands for student testing. 

II. The Problems Classified 

An inventory of pertinent problems discloses a need for 
research in almost every quarter of the field; devising tests, 
standardizing tests, evaluating tests and establishing norms. 

The assertion recently current that the greatest need is for 
an acctmiulation of data with tests and procedures already 
standardized rather than for the devising of more tests, does 
not hold today. We need more and better tests, particularly 
tests of special abilities similar to Seashore's measurements 
of the components of musical ability (14) or Stenquisfs 
assembly tests (16) or Thurstone's tests of capacity to handle 
ideas involving relations of space and form.' We need also 
carefully graded measures of general intelligence which are 
more accurate in the differentiation of the higher ranges of 
superior adult capacity than are the Binct tests for example 
in differentiating capacities at the lower end of the intelli- 
gence scale. There is an insistent call — ^to which not many 
psychologists have as yet had the temerity to harken — for 
conative and affective tests, for measures of such compon- 

2 Not yet published. 


ents of character and personality as persistence of motives, 
relative strength of interests, development of taste and of 
capacities for enjoyment. (See, however, Guy Femald's test 
of grit which he calls an achievement capacity test (6) ; H. 
T. Moore's method of getting at the strength of instincts by 
means of association reactions (12); Kelley's measures of 
interests (9) ; Thomdike's newest scales for measuring the 
affective processes involved in esthetic appreciation of simple 
designs and of poetic quality (18); and Webb's notable at- 
tempt at demonstrating the existence of a second common 
factor (20). 

Necessity exists not only for the invention of new tests but 
also for the simplification, adaptation and improvement of tests 
previously proposed, and for the provision of alternative and 
equivalent tests for use in getting repeated measures of the 
traits in question. 

New and old tests alike call for standardization after they 
have been adapted to the conditions imposed by the exigencies 
of college testing. Standardization of a test involves not 
only determining the best content and form, and the best pro- 
cedure that can be used in giving the directions and in pro* 
viding for fore-exercise, repetitions, uniformity of incentive 
and so on; it also implies making the instructions clear, 
simple and direct — fool-proof against both the examiner and 
the student to be tested. Published accounts of tests can 
hardly err on the side of excessive simplicity and explicit- 
ness of instructions. 

Still another aspect of standardization, to which all too 
little attention has ordinarily been accorded, is the determina- 
tion of the optimal method of scoring the results. Shall a 
student's accuracy score in a logical mference test, for ex- 
ample, be the total number of right reactions, or the right 
minus the wrong, or the ratio of the right to the difference 
between the right and the wrong? This is a question that 
can be answered eitiier intuitively (as it ordinarily is) or em- 
pirically by finding which method of scoring gives the best 
distribution and the highest correlation with some other 
available objective measure of the trait in question. This 
empirical determination of the optimal method of scoring a 
test for any specified purpose, we at the Carnegie Institute 
of Technology, following Thurstone, are accustomed to 
speak of as the calibraHon of the test. I venture the sugges- 
tion that some of the discouraging i-esults recently obtained 
by Bell (2) from tests of students are partially attributable 
to the use of arbitrary instead of empirical calibrations of 
the tests used. 


Another large group of important research problems centers 
about the evaluation of tests already standardized and cali- 
brated. Just what is the psychological interpretation of each 
of the tests under consideration ? What information of practi- 
cal significance emerges from studies of correlation between 
the test results and estimates of intelligence, school standings, 
later vocational success, etc? What is the relative practica- 
bility and utility of the test in question, when compared with 
other tests, as to susceptibility to the effects of practice, of 
coaching, and of familiarity with similar test situations? To 
cite an illustration, just how much or how little information 
about a student's motor-coordination and fatiguability are 
lost when one gives the tapping test as a group test, using 
pencil and paper and ten-second trials, instead of employing 
tapping board and kymogiaph with the full procedure as 
specified by Wells? 

In attempting to measure native intelligence how much 
is gained or lost by devoting an available half hour to giving 
Scott's complex g^oup test No. l (13), instead of spending 
the same time in giving separate tests of opposites, verb-ob- 
jects, analogies, addition, easy problems, understanding direc- 
tions and matching proverbs? Numerous similar questions 
of relative utility are now being answered in many laboratories 
by the one best method of actual trial. (5, 8, 10, 11, 22.) 

After a series of tests for college students have been de- 
vised or adapted, standardized and calibrated, and evaluated 
with reference to their psychological significance and their 
relative utility, there remains the stupendous task of estab- 
lishing norms for the various groups to be measured and of 
determining the boundaries and border-line zones within which 
it is possible to make definite statements as to the degree of 
probability of a student's success or failure in the work he 
is undertaking. 

In the laboratory which I represent, we have found it 
most convenient to throw our data always into the form of 
ogive curves of distribution or percentile graphs. These 
graphs are simple to plot, and blue prints of them form 
extremely convenient means of reference to the available 
norms. One sees at a glance the range, the median score, 
the quartiles and the ten-percentiles, and can instantly trans- 
late any new individual score into terms of precise relative 
rank among a hundred members of the group in question. 
The accompanying cut shows such a percentile distribution 
of the scores for accuracy in Scott's intelligence test No. i., 
(13) made by 97 young women of the present entering class 
of the Margaret Morrison Carnegie School (the woman's 
vocational college of the Carnegie Institute of Technology), 



on the first day of their attendance last fall. It is clear from 
the form of the curve that either the test is too easy for 
this group or the method of scoring for accuracy is not 
severe enough. But for immediate purposes it serves a highly 
useful function as a percentile scale of measurement. It is 
inserted here as a sample of thirty such ogives prepared this 
year from data on tests of students, by L. L. Thurstone, for 
use in our Bureau of Mental Tests. 




III. A Preliminary Program Of Cooperative Research 

Such a formidable array of varied problems would discour- 
age the psychologist who is invited to undertake the testing 
of college students, if he were not fully aware that already 
many laboratories are actively engaged in attacking precisely 
such tasks as these. A recent questionary by Professor Bird 
T. Baldwin (i) discloses no less than forty-one members 
of the American Psychological Association who report re- 
search now in progress on problems apparently germane to 
one or the other of the four main divisions of inquiry outlined 
above. Other psychologists, too modest perhaps, to classify 
their tentative efforts under the caption of research, are do- 
ing student-testing although they are not listed in the Baldwin 

To facilitate the approach of the day when psychologists 
shall be in a position to render with adequacy the services 
which the colleges are asking of them, it is important that 
three steps be t^en at once, toward effective cooperation. 

First in importance is the assembly of information now 
available. Scattered through our laboratories are many files 


of test data that have not been published ; many minor experi- 
ments on methods of giving, calibrating or evaluating tests 
that have never been reported ; many good ideas for new or 
different tests of adults which have not as yet been fully elab- 
orated ; many discoveries of labor-saving devices in the calcu- 
lating and recording of results which have not as yet been 
passed on to other workers. It has been proposed that these 
accumulations be pooled, and that the American Psychological 
Association Committee on the Standardization of Mental 
Measurements be requested to aid in making this material 
more promptly available to all. 

A second step which may soon be timely, involves the selec- 
tion of a small group of tests which all can agree to use in 
such a uniform manner that comparison may be facilitated, — 
the opposites test, the analogies test, the completion test, and 
the logical memory test, for example. 

The third step in our immediate program of research is 
the parcelling out among the laboratories of the numerous 
research problems that most need investigation : the provision 
of duplicate sets of tests of known equivalence; the inven- 
tion of new tests and the improvement and adaptation of old 
ones; the comparison of group testing with individual test- 
ing ; and in general the stanaardization, calibration and evalua- 
tion of each of the many tests whose usefulness has been sug- 
gested or already demonstrated. 

The completion of such a program is not a matter of a 
year or a decade. Only with the accumulations of pains- 
taking results from many laboratories over a period of years, 
carefully checked up by comparison with later performance 
of the students tested, both in their collie courses, and later 
in the various pursuits to which their efforts are directed 
after graduation, will we be in a position to give to under- 
graduates of succeeding college generations individual counsel 
superior to that of unaided common sense and personal 


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Reference to Differentiations between Psychological Experiments 
and Mental Tests. Report of the Committee on the Academic 
Status of Psychology American Psychological Association. 
Printed by the Committee, Swarthmore, Pa., December, 1916. 

2. Bell» J. Carleton. Mental Tests and College Freshmen. Journal 

of Educational Psychology, 1916, Vol. 7, pp. 1381-399. 

3. Bingham, W. V. Some Norms of DartmouUi Freshmen. Journal 

of Educational Psychology, 1916, Vol. 7, pp. 129-142. 

4. Cattell, T. McKsen, and Fabrand, Livingsion. ! Physical and 

Mental Measurements of the Students of Columbia University. 
Psychological Review, 1896, Vol. 3, pp. 618-648. 


5. Chassell, Laura M. Tests for Origmality. Journal of Educa- 

Hanoi Psychology, 1916, VoL 7, pp. 3i7-3aS. 

6. Fernalo, Guy. An Achievement Capacity Test: A Preliminary 

Report. Journal of Educational Psychology, 1912, Vol. 3, pp. 

7. . The Defective Delinquent Class Differentiating Tests. 

American Journal of Insanity, 1912, Vol. 68^ pp. 523-594. 
8. HOLUNGWOSTH, H. L. Correlations of Abilities as Affected by 

Practice. Journal of Educational Psychology, 1913, Vol. 4, pp. 

^9. Kelley, Truman Leb.. Educational Guidance. Teachers College, 

Columbia University Contributions to Education, 1914, No. 7h 

pp. 116. 

10. Kjng, I., and Gold, H. A Tentative Standardization of Certain 

Opposites Tests. Journal of Educational Psychology, 1916, Vol. 
7, pp. 459-4812. 

11. Miles, Walter R., and Butterworth, Juuan E. A Tentative 

Standardization of a Completion Test. Journal of Educational 
Psychology, 1916, Vol. 7, pp. 329-336. 

12. Moore, Henry T. A MeUiod of Testing the Strength of In- 

stincts. . The American Journal of Psychology, 1916, Vol. 27^ 
pp. 227-233. i 

'I3, Scott, Walter Dnx. Selection of Employees bv Means of 
Quantitative Determinations. The Annals of the American 
Academy of Political and Social Science, Philadelphia, May,. 

1916, Publication No. 999, pp. 182-193. 

14. Seashore, C. E. The Measure of a Singer. Science, 19 12, 
Vol. 35, pp. 201-211. See also University of Iowa Studies in 
Psychology, No. VI; Psychological Monographs, No. 6ft 1914, 
Vol. 16, No. 3. 
^ 15. Simpson, Benjamin R. Correlations of Mental Abilities. Teach^ 
ers College, Columbia University Contributions to Education, 
1912, No. 53, pp. 122. 

16. Stenquist, J. L., Thorndike, E. L., and Trabue, M. R. The 

Intellectual Status of Children who are Public Charges. Ar- 
chives of Psychology, I9I5» iNo. J3, pp. 1-52. 

17. Thorndike, E. L. Educational Diagnosis. Science, 1913, N. S. 

37, No. 943, pp. 133-142. 
18. . Tests of Esthetic Appreaation. Journal of Educa- 
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19. Washburn, Margaret Floy. A Study of Vassar Freshmen- 

Vassar Quarterly, 1916, Vol. 2, pp. 15-20. 

20. Webb, E. Character and Intelligence. British Journal of Psy- 

chology, Monograph Supplements, 1915, Vol. i, No. 3, pp. ix-f-99. 

21. WnrrE, Sophie D., May, Sybil, and Washburn, M. F. A Study 

of Freshmen. Minor Studies from the Psychological Laboratory 
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1917, Vol. 28, pp. 151-154. 

22. Whitley, Mary IT. An Empirical Study of Certain Tests for 

Individual DiflFerences. Archives of Psychology, 191 1, No. 19, 
pp. 146. 

23. WissLER, Clark. The Correlation of Mental and Physical Tests. 

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L. R. Geissler 

The answer to the question: What is applied psychology? 
depends (a) upon the meaning of the word * psychology ', and 
(b) upon an traders tanding of the differences between * ap- 
plied ' or its synonyms and * pure ' or its synonyms. The term 
' psychology ' may be defined from various points of view ; 
for example, psychology is said to be the science of mind or 
consciousness, or the science of behavior or conduct, or the 
science of mental structures and functions, or, most generally, 
as the science of mental life. Strictly speaking, this last defini- 
tion is too broad, because mental life includes, among others, 
the moral, aesthetic, logical and speculative aspects which are 
not subject-matter of psychology but belong to such mental 
sciences as ethics, aesthetics, logic, metaphysics, etc. To give, 
then, in a preliminary way a positive limitation to our term, 
we may define psychology as the science of mental life in its 
structural, functional, genetic, and social aspects, and indicate 
later in detail what these terms imply. 

By * applied psychology ' we mean what is sometimes called 
practical psychology or psychotechnics or psychotechnology as 
opposed to 'pure' or 'theoretical' or 'general' psychology. 
In order to understand fully the diflferences between the two 
groups, it seems desirable to make a more extensive compari- 
son, applicable to all ' general ' and * applied ^ sciences, because 
such a procedure will at the same time indicate the relation 
of applied psychology to other branches of knowledge and may 
thus help us to be sure of our own grotmd and consistent in 
our point of view. 

It is sometimes stated that ' pure ' science is interested in 
facts for their own sake or for the sake of merely knowing 
them, while applied science studies facts for utilitarian pur- 
poses. But it may be doubted whether the first of these two 
attitudes is ever realized in its extreme form, and if so, 
whether it is a truly scientific attitude. Nor is it any more 
reasonable to go to the other extreme and demand that each 
newly discovered fact should at once be assigned its utilitarian 
or practical value. It might be interesting to determine how 
many pure or abstract facts discovered more than ten years 
ago are still waiting for their practical application. The re- 


suits of psychology, in particular, have frequently been ar- 
raigned as being too abstract and theoretical to be readily 
utilised in those concrete and practical events in which mental 
life plays an important part. This criticism is due to a failure 
to understand fully the differences between general and applied 

Our general comparison will be based on the following five 
cat^ories : aim, standpoint, problem, scope, and method, with 
their underlying principles. For the ssJce of greater trans- 
parency and easier treatment they have been condensed into 
the following schema, which will be further explained and 
illustrated by reference to various sciences in general and to 
general and applied psychology in particular. 

In the first place, then, the ultimate aim of all general sci- 
ences is to extend and improve human knowledge. To appre- 
ciate its significance in the concrete, we may be permitted to 
indulge in a little speculation about its origin, based on the 
assumption that the childhood of the htunan race is reflected, 
at least in a measure, in the childhood of the individual. We 
may thus imagine that the first impetus to acquire knowledge 
came from an instinctive 'browsing' which in some of our 
ancestors was so strong a3 to manifest itself even after their 
more or less immediate bodily wants were satisfied and thus 
led to what we now call ' instinctive curiosity ' ; for this orig- 
inal, aimless browsing with its accidental rewards in the first 
crude discoveries probably afforded sufficient pleasure to make 
it self-perpetuating. The step from this leisurely browsing 
to an intentional searching for new and better ways of meeting 
certain situations probably depended upon the fact that the 
original discoveries could frequently be utilised. In this way 
the instinct of curiosity acquired a twofold biological value, 
for it could be indulged in either for its own satisfaction, as 
the forerunner of our modem ' purely intellectual pleasures ' ; 
or for the sake of making future conditions of life more com- 
fortable, and future behavior or conduct more efficient. Now 
if 'pure' scientists are bom and not made, they must have 
the browsing instinct in its ' purer ', origmal form, for they 
take their keenest delight in the discovery of new tmths. The 
aim of the applied sciences, on the other hand, is more prosaic, 
for they strive to enrich and improve the conditions and 
phases of human life and conduct, that is, they try to help 
lis master or control difficult situations or meet them with 
more successful responses. This aim is attained by accumulat- 
ing a body of facts bearing on these situations and responses, 
while the actual application of this knowledge is carried on 
by the practical expert. We have thus a science and an art 


Pure or Theoretical P 

Sciences or Technology 

General or Pure or Theoretical Practical or Applied Sciences 



To extend and improve To extend and improve 

Himian Knowledge the conditions and phases of 

Himian Life and Conduct 


of Objectivity or Universal Validity of Subjective Particularity or In- 
as expressed in Scientific Laws dividual Interest in Utihty 


depends upon depends upon 

Inherent Similarity of all focts of Inherent Frequency of foctors 

a sdence or aspects of knowl- composing concrete events 


to discover or establish instances of to analyse situations and responses 
universal similarity or validity (or events) into variable and 

to trace their origin or devdopinent constant or essential and unessen- 
to explain their causal connections tial components 

to trace their interrelations 
to modify these components so as 
to produce same results more 


Observation and Experimentation Observation and Experimentation 

identical as to identical as to 

Comparison, Repetition, Comparison, Repetition, 

Accumulation, Modification, Accumulation, Modification, 

Elimination, Measurement* Elimination, Measurement, 

different as to different as to 

Simplification, Isdation, Differentiation, Separation, 

Abstraction, Induction, Correlation, Deduction, 

and Classification and Standardization 

of teaching, of medicine, of engineering, of agriculture, etc. 
To be sure, sometimes both science and art arc represented 
in the same person ; but likewise pure and applied science may 
occur in the same individual, as when a psychologist interested 
in the problems of color-blindness engages in testing his sub- 


jects for the purpose of showine them how best to overcome 
their handicap. As a matter of fact, the distinctions which 
are to be drawn in this paper between pure and applied sci- 
ences are perhaps somewhat overemphasised for the purpose 
of clearer thinking and better understanding only, and it is 
readily granted that in actual practice there are many transi- 
tions and fusions. 

The ultimate aim of pure psychology is, according to the 
general principle, to extend and improve our knowledge of 
mental life with regard to its structural, functional, genetic, 
and social aspects. We do not use the phrase * mental life ' 
in any technical sense, but include in it all varieties of con- 
scious and semi-conscious experiences in their normal, sub- 
normal, and abnormal forms and in their fully and incom- 
pletely developed stages, both in human and otner living be- 
ings. By the structural aspects of mental life we have refer- 
ence to the most common elementary and complex experiences 
ranging from the simplest and more or less abstract and mean- 
ingless sense-impressions through the perceptions of external 
objects and their interpretations to the highest forms of in- 
tellectual complexity, as ideas, concepts, judgments, thoughts 
and also the emotions and voluntary choices and actions. The 
functional aspects involve the organization of our experiences 
on the basis of attention, memory, recognition, imagination, 
comparison, and reasoning. The genetic aspects include the 
development of mental life in the individual and in the race, 
while the social aspects involve those changes in mental life 
which are due to the social intercourse among human beings. 
We might summarise these statements by saying that general 
psychology aims to studjr the ultimate or essential nature and 
constitution of mental life or experience as a whole. While, 
for example it tries to find out how we reason and form judg- 
ments, it does not seek to determine whether our judgments 
are logically correct, or morally sound, or aesthetically valu- 
able or in harmony with other metaphysical speculations. 

On the other hand, applied psychology aims to investigate 
and improve those conditions and phases of human life and 
conduct which involve mental life, especially in its social 
aspects, since practically all human activity is nowadays carried 
on as a function of social intercourse. The solidarity and vital 
fitness of human society does not so ^much depencl upon the 
physical likeness of its members as upon the harmonious in- 
teraction of their minds, which are of such great variety and 
complexity that any two of them will resemble each other only 
in a general way. And yet these minds are constantly enter- 
ing into each other's situations to which prompt and sometimes 


delicately balanced responses are required from both parties. 
In such events mental life is perhaps the most important factor, 
because it complicates the conditions and phases of human 
response or behavior to an unpredictable degree. These sit- 
uations require therefore careful study, in order to improve, 
if possible, the conditions under which the two parties have 
to react upon each other and thereby exert also a beneficial in- 
fluence upon their mental life. 

Every discovery of a new fact, intentional or unintentional, 
is of course an extension of human knowledge and an enlarge- 
ment of the conditions of human life and conduct. But it 
cannot help to improve either unless it can be viewed from 
certain scientific standpoints. Radio-activity, for example, re- 
mained an isolated, unintelligible phenomenon until it could 
be incorporated into physics as fitting under its well established 
laws of nature. And as soon as this was accomplished, radium 
began to exert its beneficial influence upon human life and 
conduct. The general sciences take for their standpoint an 
objective attitude which transcends the interests of the in- 
dividual and looks for the universal validity of their facts 
that is expressed in the form of scientific laws. To use an 
example from psychology, take the fact that human beings can 
pay attention. General psychology, accordingly, asks, in which 
forms and stages of mental life is attention possible, what is 
attention, how many kinds or degrees of it occur, how long 
may it last, how many items may it include in a single 
moment, how does it change with age, sex, inheritance, and 
environment? and like questions. The answers give us the 
psychological laws of attention. Like other sciences, general 
psychology purposely eliminates or disregards unessential de- 
tails and especially accidental individual differences, because 
they obscure the universal validity of its laws. Consequently, 
all scientific laws involve the assumption that all essential con- 
ditions remain constant. 

In the case of the applied sciences, however, the standpoint 
is the very opposite. Here every concrete situation is an ob- 
ject of investigation in itself, appealing to the subjective in- 
terests of certain individuals on account of its immediate 
utility or threatening harmfulness. It becomes now a ques- 
tion, for example, how the law of gravity can be applied 
to aerial navigation, or, how certain laws of chemical action 
can be used in fighting particular diseases, etc. The signifi- 
cance of this principle of subjective particularity for the 
standpoint of applied psychology is obvious. While general 
psychology, for example, reduces our daily actions to a uni- 
versal schema typified in the simple reaction experiment, 


applied psychology sttidies these same actions as nearly in 
their original complexity and concreteness as experimental 
control of conditions wUl allow; and the more this ideal is 
approached, the more applicable will be the results. Recall, 
for example, the testing of witnesses as to their fidelity, 
reliability, credulity, suggestibility, etc., or the studies of the 
influence of htunidity and temperature on quality and quan- 
tity of work produced, or the diagnosis for musical ability, 
or the effectiveness of certain advertisements, and others. 
In all these cases the situations presented to the individual 
tested and the responses required from them are usually 
very similar to those found in actual life. Consequently, 
the results obtained should not be generalized to the extent 
of making them seem applicable to different circumstances 
or different individuals. In other words, we should not ex- 
pect applied psychology to arrive at scientific laws of uni- 
versal validity. 

The rapid acctmiulation of scientific results since the days 
of Aristotle, and especially during the last three centuries, has 
made it absolutely necessary to classify all items of human 
knowledge into separate sciences, whose scope and subject- 
matter must be definitely outlined according to certain ultimate 
principles. In the case of the pure sciences the principle in- 
volved is that of the inherent similarity of the facts grouped 
tqjether, so that, for example, observations on the atomic con- 
stitution of the universe or its parts belong to chemistry, while 
the structural and functional elements and interrelations of 
the same universe and its parts belong to the physical sciences. 
Again, the same universe in so far as it exhibits signs of life, 
past, present or future, is studied by the biological sciences; 
and in so far as it manifests mental life it belongs to the men- 
tal and historical sciences. It is thus evident that at bottom 
the scope of all pure sciences is the same, but the grouping 
and relating of facts is based upon the inherent similarities 
of the facts or aspects of knowledge. To indicate the scope 
of general psychology in particular, it confines itself, as pointed 
out before, to the structural, functional, genetic, and social 
aspects of mental life wherever it is mainfested. It is there- 
fore not limited to the human normal adult individual, but 
its various branches include also the mental life of infants, 
children, adolescents, senescents, of abnormal and subnormal 
persons, of savages and civilized people, past and present, of 
small and large social units, and also of animals and plants. 
One of the special branches studies the relations between men- 
tal changes and physical changes in the external world, while 
another branch seeks to correlate mental and neural changes. 


In all these branches the standpoint remains the same, that 
is, they study mental changes with a view toward the univer- 
sal validity of the facts discovered. 

The scope of the applied sciences is based on an entirely 
different principle. Here such facts are grouped together 
under a single science which frequently constitute the same 
concrete situation or require the same concrete response from 
human beings. Thus the various branches of the science of 
engineering are differentiated from each other on the basis 
of specialized tasks and divided into mechanical, civil, naval, 
sanitary, architectural, efficiency, illuminating, and other kinds 
of engineering, each group trying to meet certain situations 
whose inherent resemblance is based on their complexity, that 
is, on the concurrence of similar factors in similar arrange- 
ments. If one examines the factors which constitute a con- 
crete situation from the standpoint of the general sciences to 
which they may belong, one will find in most cases a number 
of such sciences are represented which are sometimes not very 
closely related to each other. Consequently, in order to 
specialise in any single applied science it is necessary to study 
at least to some extent all those general sciences upon which 
its facts are based. Hence the student of medicine, to give 
a single example, is required to know biology, physics, chem- 
istry, and sometimes psychology, besides anatomy, physiology, 
embryology, pathology, etc. Still more extensive must be the 
foundations of applied psychok)gy, because its scope includes 
every possible situation or response which involves mental 
life. Since it is impossible within the short span of a human 
life-time to cover this ground, it becomes necessary to develop 
special branches of applied psychology which are to be culti- 
vated by specialists in each field. So far the development of 
these subdivisions has been left to chance interests of in- 
dividuals or to public demands. But the time seems ripe to 
systematize and organize the efforts of building up an applied 
psychology equal in rank to that of other applied sciences, and 
the author hopes that this task will be f aciliated by the Journal 
of Applied Psychology, the plans for which had been slowly 
shaping themselves in his mind for some time. 

In outlining the scope of applied psychology we cannot be 
confined to the field as so far actually cultivated, but must 
include in our discussion the possible extensions which are 
provided for in the formulation of the general principle as 
adapted to our special topic. According to it the scope of 
applied psychology is the study of those conditions of human 
life and conduct, that is, those concrete situations and re- 
sponses, in which the mental life of human beings is an im- 


portant factor. The situations may be roughlv classified into 
three groups, namely, those which arise (a) from the indivi- 
dual's hereditary equipment, (b) from his physical envircm- 
ment, and (c) from his social environment. The first division 
would include the study of individual mentalities of sex, age, 
race, special talent, genius, criminal, types of character, indi- 
vidual differences and such defects in mental equipment as 
do not involve abnormalities but only developmental retarda- 
tion; and this branch might be called diagnostic psychology. 
The next subdivision will study the influences of climate, 
weather, humidity, temperature, nutrition, sanitational and 
other environmental conditions upon mental life and receive 
the name environmental or better bionomic psychology. The 
third group comprises the influences of tradition, customs, 
beliefs, superstitions, myths, religions, panics, wars, strikes, 
and such institutional forces as administration, org^ization, 
discipline, and others, upon the mental life of the individual 
or the group and may therefore be called socionomic psychol- 
oay. It is to be distinguished irom social or sociologic psy- 
chology, which is a branch of general psychology, not only 
by scope, but also by aim, standpoint, problem and method. — 
The responses which involve mental life may also be grouped 
into three classes, (a) vocational, (b) recreational, and (c) 
communicational activities. The psychology of vocational 
activities will include the study of mental factors involved, 
for example, in legal, medical, educaticHial, industrial, com- 
mercial, and other skilled and unskilled work. The psychology 
of recreational activities will study, among other topics, the 
mental life involved in artistic creations and enjoyments, in 
playing games and musical instruments, in singing, Xsking part 
in sports and athletics, in more passive amusements, in pur- 
suing hobbies and similar pastimes and other leisurely occupa- 
tions. The psychology of communicational activities, finally, 
will investigate the mental factors involved in reading, writing, 
speaking, stuttering, using gestures and other symbols, signals 
and codes, typewriting, stenography, telegraphy, telephoning, 
printing, interpreting, translating, and the like. To be sure, 
there may be overlappings, as the same activity may be used 
for all three purposes ; but when this is the case, there will be 
found also simificant mental differences. Nothing has been 
said here of the psychology of learning, because it may belong 
into both, general and applied psychology, according to its 

A complete bibliography or a historical sketch of psychology 
would show that some of the topics here mentioned have been 
investigated in the very early stages of our science, for in- 


Stance, reading, writing, religion, beliefs, superstitions, and 
certain aesthetic experiences. Other topics have begun to 
occupy the center of interest more recently, as those of indi- 
vidual differences, defects, studies of humidity and temper- 
ature, examinations of witnesses, business appeals, and others. 
Some topics, finally, have not yet received much or any atten- 
tion, as character-diagnosis, nutritional influences, administra- 
tive and disciplinary factors, salesmanship, amusements, and 
others. Only three of all these numerous topics have so far 
had their own organs of publicity, the psychology of religious 
experiences, of education, and of retardation; all the other 
topics will find representation in the new Journal of Applied 

The difference in scope between the general and applied 
sciences is intimately connected with a wide difference in their 
problems. It is frequently stated that the general sciences have 
at least three or four chief problems, briefly enumerated as 
those of analysis, synthesis, genesis, and explanation. The 
first two consist in the discovery and establishment of new 
instances of universal similarity and validity, the third involves 
the question of origin and development, and the last searches 
for causal connections. In some sciences the third, in others, 
the fourth problem, is of minor importance. In general psy- 
chology all four receive about equal attention. The object 
of analysis is to reduce mental life to its most elementary ex- 
periences and to describe the structural composition of mental 
complexes. The problem of synthesis is to discover the uni- 
versally valid laws of these elementary and complex experi- 
ences and especially to describe their functions in the general 
course of mental life. The question of mental development is 
attacked by genetic psychology, which includes child-study, 
racial, social, and anthropological enquiries. Finally, the prob- 
lem of explanation i^ to investigate the relations of mental 
life to concomitant physical and physiological phenomena. 

The problems of the applied sciences are in so far similar 
as they also include analysis and explanation. Since, how- 
ever, they deal with complex situations as the conditions of 
human life and conduct, their first problem is an analysis of 
these situations, but not for the sake of establishing ultimate 
elements and universal validity, but rather for the purpose oiF 
discovering their constant and variable, or essential and un- 
essential components or contributing factors. The second 
problem consists in a similar analysis of the responses depend- 
ing on the particular situations investigated, again for the 
sake of finding their essential and imessential or constant and 
variable factors. In a third group of problems an explana- 


tion of the interrelations between the situations and responses 
is aimed at and frequently involves a quantitative or statistical 
enquiry. The last and perhaps most important problem is to 
find means of modifying either situations or responses or both 
in such a way as to attain the same or better results with 
greater economy of the essential components. Again, as in 
the case of the general sciences, these four kinds of problems 
are not of equal weight in all of the applied sciences or in 
all of their investigaticHis. 

Let us illustrate these four problems by a topic of civil 
engineering, namely, road-building, (i) Among the compo- 
nents of the situation are: a survey of the country through 
which a new road is to be ilaid, a measurement of its eleva- 
tions, a study of its drainage, both on the surface and below 
it, an analysis of the soil, a study of geological obstructions, 
of climatic and weather influences, a consideration of the 
distance of building material and the methods of hauling it, 
of other existing means of traffic, as rivers, canals, railroads, 
branch and cross roads, and of the location of communities, 
dwellings, schoolhouses, churches, stores and similar other 
social centers of the neighborhoods. (2) An analysis of the 
responses or phases of human behavior involved will reveal 
among others the following components: vehicles of traffic 
used by the inhabitants, the latter's purposes of building the 
new road, weight of the ^oods to be shipped over it and of 
the vehicles used, the desire of avoiding either steep grades 
or long detours, and the like. (3) The problem of the inter- 
relations between these and the former components require 
the consideration of the possible width of the road, of its gen- 
eral direction, of grading and shading, of juncticms or cross- 
ings with other lines of traffic, and of avoidance of sharp 
curves or hidden turns. (4) The last problem consists in 
an enquiry into original cost of construction and material, 
into future expenses of repairs and upkeep, into avoidance 
of imnecessary bridges, railroad crossings or tunnels, into 
value of traffic served by the road, and other items. 

To consider now the case of applied psychology, the first 
chief problem is to analyse the mental components of certain 
situations of conditions of human behavior. A good example 
may be found in the psychology of salesmanship. Here we 
have to deal either with the travelling salesman or the travel- 
ling customer. The latter may be in one of three possible 
states of mind, (a) he may know what particular article he 
wants to buy when entering a store, or (b) he may know 
what kind of an article he wants to buy, or (c) he may merely 
want to look around, without definite intentions of buying 


anything. Each of these states may be further analysed. 
Among the mental components of (a) may be: a definite idea 
of the article wanted as to size, color, shape, price, brand, 
packing, etc. ; a definite purpose for the article, a definite or 
indefinite idea as to where to buy it or try to do so, a definite 
purpose to buy it, and a definite or indefinite plan as to the 
next important step after the purchase, manifested frequently 
by an attitude of haste or of leisure. The salesclerk's re- 
sponses should be regulated by a knowledge of such compon- 
ents just as much as by the circumstances as to whether the 
desired article i§ in stock or " just out." Here, however, we 
are touching upon the second problem of applied psychology, 
an analysis of the mental components of human behavior. To 
continue our previous example, the sales-clerk's response may 
be of the listless, mechanical, indiflferent sort revealing a mini- 
mum of mental life, — ^as is frequently seen in booths for sell- 
ing tickets to some exhibition or in department stores selling 
only very low-priced goods, — or it may be inattentive, dis- 
tracted, as if disturbed by the customer's appearance, and 
manifesting a lack of interest in the process of the sale, or 
it may be of the quick, alert, interested, attentive kind that 
is ready to pierce the customer's mind and to read his thoughts, 
for the purpose of selling him something else. To proceed 
now to the third problem, applied psychology has to show the 
relations of the mental components of the response to the 
components of the situations. Thus the response of the me- 
chanical, listless sales-clerk may have been conditioned by 
fatigue, or underfeeding, or poor health, or lack of expen- 
ence, or underpay, or the like. The last problem of applied 
psychology is to modify or improve the essential components 
in situations or responses or both in such a way as to help 
attain more efficient results. Of course in any concrete case 
it is necessary that all the other essential ncHi-mental com- 
ponents be likewise improved, otherwise they might oflFset or 
destroy any changes that the former might have brought 
about. This is, of course, the work of the practical expert, 
but his knowledge of the ways of improving the whole event 
must come from the various applied sciences that are relevant 
to the case in question. Illustrations of both, the balanced 
and the unbalanced efforts of improvement are frequently 
found among advertisements. Thus an advertisement may 
be constructed correctly according to psychological principles, 
but appear in a poor medium, or at the wrongf time, or in the 
wrong community, i For example, the writer has in mind a 
beautiful and attractive streetcar poster of a certain well- 
known summer school exhibited in a community of another 


State in which ^ large summer school was conducted. More 
frequently it happens that an advertisement correctly employs 
certain essential psychological principles but violates certain 
others just as essential. Such mistakes are due, as a rule, 
to an incomplete analysis of the situation or the expected 

Since the problems of the general and applied sciences are 
in partial agreement, that is, in so far as they involve analysis 
and explanation, we may expect that the two groups will be 
similar, to some extent at least, with regard to their method 
of investigation, which is the last point of comparison in our 
schema. In general, both groups of sciences may be said to 
depend upon the method of observation for the accumtdation 
of their facts, and the more detailed procedure will include the 
processes of comparison, repetition, modification, elimination, 
and measurement. These steps are facilitated by the use of 
experimental control of the factors under investigation. In 
the general sciences this control is as a rule very rigid and 
refined and makes it possible to greatly simplify the conditions 
by isolating the desired ccxnponents, sometimes with the ad- 
ditional help of mental abstraction, until as a result the ulti- 
mate, unanalysable elements are discovered. The latter may 
then be reccnnbined in old and new wavs, and by this in- 
ductive procedure the universal validity of their laws is estab- 
lished. For an illustration let us watch the botanist in his 
study of the nutritive processes of a certain plant He will plant 
a large number of seeds of that plant in various kinds of soil, 
which he has either artificially prepared by mixing or whose 
chemical composition he has otherwise previously analysed. 
The amounts of water, heat, lig^t, etc., administered daily to 
each specimen are carefully measured and recorded and the rate 
of growth is observed in minute detail, including among others 
the number, size, and first appearance of roots, stems, leaves, 
buds, flowers, fruit, etc. These observations are repeated, 
sometimes for years, and with still further modifications until 
all accidental factors are eliminated. The results are then 
compared with a careful microscopical analysis of the cells 
of the different parts of the plant, and any doubtful facts 
must be repeatedly tested and verified, before a imiversally 
valid description of the nutritive processes of this plant is 
obtained. On the basis of the results obtained the plant re- 
ceives a certain classification in the botanial system. Such is, 
if not always the actual, at least the ideal method, and widi 
minor variations, due mostly to differences in subject-matter, 
it is also employed by general psychology. Again, in any 
single investigation of some particular problem some of these 


steps may be omitted, others may have to be very much ex- 
tended, while some may be combined into a single act. Like- 
wise the actual temporal order of these stages in the procedure 
may vary from time to time, both in the general and the ap- 
plied sciences. 

The latter differ from the former in several respects. Since 
their problem of analysis is not to find ultimate elements, but 
to single out the constant from the variable or the essential 
from the tmessential components, thev do not have to carry 
the process of simplification to the highest degree, so that they 
may substitute for it the methods of differentiation and sep- 
aration. Furthermore, since they always deal with a concrete 
situation or response, a too rigid and refined control of condi- 
tions might destroy the object of investigation and either sub- 
stitute for it an artificial product iWhich is not true to life, 
or at least prevent the study of the relations of the compon- 
ents to- each other and to the concrete whok. The latter step 
constitutes the method of correlation and takes the place of 
induction. It is often supplemented by a process of deduc- 
tion which consists in referring the separated ccMnponents to 
the laws of the corresponding general science and inferring 
from them such changes in the concrete event under investi- 
gation as promise more efficient results in the end. ' This leads 
to the last step in the method, that of standardization, which 
takes the place of classification and is based, in part at least, 
on the results obtained by the corresponding general sciences* 
Standardization thus is the process by which 3ie fourth prob- 
lem of the applied sciences is to be solved. 

With the exception of this last step the differences in the 
methods of the two groups of sciences are in some cases very 
much obliterated. Nevertheless it seems important to keep 
the two separated in thought at least, in order to avoid con- 
fusions and conflicts in actual practice. Thus a clear under- 
standing of these diflFerences will be helpful in deciding the 
present claims of the value of mental tests. An attempt to 
settle this dispute is of course beyond the scope of this paper, 
although it is hoped that the latter may contribute its share 
toward a satisfactory solution of the difficulties involved. In- 
stead, it seems more appropriate to conclude with a concrete 
illustration of the experimental procedure in a problem of ap- 
plied psychology. 

Suppose, then, it was desired to discover which persons 
out of ten possible suspects had been witnesses of or taken 
part in a certain event, especially as the participants might 
try to conceal connection with it. The first thing to do is to 
obtain, or if necessary to construct, a standardizwl list of one 


hundred irrelevant words which are sufficiently general in 
character and which refer to nearly every possible general 
topic of life except to the event in question. Then m5ce out 
a new list of 25 to 50 * relevant ' words, each referring more 
or less pointedly to some phase of this event, (this step in- 
volves differentiation). Then mix the two lists in such a way 
that there are always two or three irrelevant words in 3uc- 
cession, but the relevant words are sometimes scattered singly 
amongst them, sometimes follow in small groups of two, three, 
or four (modification). Now submit each of the ten sub- 
jects singly (separation) to the following tests: after explain- 
ing and illustrating to the subject that he is to respond as 
quickly as possible to each .word said to him with the first 
word occurring to him, pronounce the first word and at the 
same time start a stopwatch. As soon as the subject begins 
to reply stop the watch, write down what he says and the 
length of time it took to answer (measurement). This pro- 
cess is continued until the complete list has been submitted. 
At a later trial (repetition) the following modification may 
be introduced: ask the subject to respond as quickly as pos- 
sible, whenever he can, with the same word that he used be- 
fore, but if it does not readilly recur to give the very first new 
word that comes to his mind. Calculate next the time aver- 
ages and their mean variations for each whole list, for the 
irrelevant, and the relevant words separately and correlate 
them with the kind of replies given. A comparison of the 
quantitative and qualitative data will help in the elimination 
of those persons whose results show no marked differences in 
their responses to the relevant and irrelevant words. In the 
case of the others it is not only possible, by deduction from 
the general laws of emotion, to say that they have been present 
at tne event, but one may sometimes infer irom the nature 
of their replies to what extent they have taken part in the 
concealed event. We have not indicated in this abbreviated 
illustration the various precautions that may be necessary in 
order to control the conditions of experimentation and that 
should be considered essential factors in the method. 

In place of a summary of this systematic enquiry into the 
nature of applied psychology a final word may be said about 
the relations between applied psychology as a science and as 
the art of making practical applications of its results to con- 
crete events in daily life. The question is scwnctimes raised: 
Are the scientific results of psycholojy so fully established 
that we are justified in making practical use of them? An 
affirmative answer can be gi\en only with reference to a few 
topics, and even here only with certain limitations and quali- 


fications. A true selection of these topics can be made only 
by a psychologist who is a specialist and thoroughly familiar 
with the whole field of his science, and all applications should 
be made either tmder his supervision or with his full ap- 
proval But if he wishes to make the applications himself, 
he thus becomes a practical expert, and it becomes now 
necessary for him to study also the practical field in which 
he wishes to work. Take the case of advertising. As a 
psychologist he may be able to analyse the mentd factors 
entering into this work, but there are many more items of 
a very technical nature, such as a knowledge of printers' types 
and cuts, of newspaper organization, of articles advertbed, 
of other mediums, and so on, without which he could not 
become an expert writer of advertisements. On the other 
hand, the professional writer of advertisements cannot in- 
telligently and successfully employ psychological principles 
without a fair knowledge of the two branches of the sci- 
ence, because there is no single universal principle that can 
be applied equally well to all kinds of advertisements, so 
that in each case he has to make a careful selection and 
balance of all factors involved. This principle of subjective 
particularity, as we have called it, holds true of all con- 
crete events involving mental life, and its recognition will 
prevent many wrong expectations or disappointments with 
regard to the immwiiate benefits to be derived from ap- 
applied psychology. 


By Walter Dill Scott, 

Director Bureau of Salesmanship Research, Carnegie Institute of 

Technology, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

There need be no confusicm between vocational guidance 
and vocational selection. The two are totally distinct in pur- 
pose, method of procedure and certainty of results. 

The purpose of vocational guidance is to select from all 
possible vocations that one for which a particular individual 
is best suited. The purpose of vocational selection is to 
select for a particular position that one of the applicants who 
is most likely to succeed in it. 

The method of procedure in vocational guidance is to 
analyze all possible vocations and then to analyze the entire 
personality of the individual in order that he may be guided 
into that particular vocation for which he possesses the ^eat- 
est aptitude or which affords him the greatest possibilities. 
The method of procedure in vocational selecticm is to an- 
alyze a single vocation, to test applicants as to their fit- 
ness for the single function or for the complex of func- 
tions involved in this vocation. 

The vocational ' guider ' has developed no adequate method 
of checking the certainty or the wisdom of his advice. If he 
advises Johnny to become a plumber it is quite possible that 
another equally wise guider would advise against such 
action. We know nothing of the agreement between the 
judpnents pronounced by each of a group of experienced 
advisors all working under the same conditions. If he ad- 
vise Johnny to become a plumber, Johnny may learn the 
trade, but succeed only indifferently. Such a failure on 
Johnny's part can not be construed as conclusive evidence 
against the wisdom of the guider's advice. If Johnny had 
entered any other trade or profession his failure might have 
been more disastrous. Even if Johnny had succeeded as a 
plumber the wisdom of the advice of his guider would not be 
conclusive. Johnny might possibly have had a much greater 
career if he had been directed to dentistry. This unusual 
difficulty of checking results in vocational guidance has 
given increased importance to vocational selection as a field 


for research and for training for those who hope ultimately 
to advance the cause of vocational guidance. 

Before any method of vocational selection is ^ut into 
practice, its adequacy is easily checked ; checks for estimating 
the value of a series of special tests have been worked out in 
actual practice. If, for example, the task is to select sales- 
men for a particular commodity to be sold under recognized 
conditions, the sales-manager can readily try out the tests in 
advance by the following method. Let him select from his 
present force of salesmen working under these conditions 
ten successful salesmen, ten who are moderately successful 
and ten who have not been even moderately successful. Let 
him arrange these thirty in rank order from best to poorest. 
Let his rank order then be combined with the rankings made 
independently by two or more executives of the firm who 
are acquainted with the salesmen and their work. This com- 
bined ranking may be spoken of as the Firm Rank, and should 
ag^ee closely with the rankings of the thirty, secured from 
the tests, if the tests are dependable. In actual practice a 
correlation is frequently secured in excess of 75. 

A second device for checking the tests is to have experi- 
enced men tested witfi the applicants. If a man has already 
proved himself successful in a given position and then is 
tested with applicants for the position, he should make a 
good showing if the tests are adequate. Correspondingly, 
the man who has been thoroughly tried in the position and 
has failed should not be able to make a good showing if he 
takes the tests with the applicants. Men of known ability 
appearing with applicants may be called * Ringers ' and are 
useful in checking the adequacy of the method of giving 
the tests. 

There is a third check on tests that is the most dependable 
of all, but which is not available until after the tests have 
been put into operation. This may be called Vocational Ac- 
complishments and consists in comparing the ratings received 
in the tests with the later accomplishments in the vocation. 
No man engaged in Vocational selection should rest con- 
tent in giving any tests that are not being constantly ap- 
proved by this most crucial of all checks. 

The three checks mentioned above are all being success- 
fully used, but each offers certain obstacles. It is sometimes 
difficult to induce executives to provide the Firm Rank. The 
star Ringer is compelled to masquerade as a novice. The 
unsuccessful Ringer is frequently unwilling to take the tests. 
The reports on the Vocational Accomplishments are unavail- 
able for weeks or even for years. 






eo TO 

so iOO 

ImMinQtfoa Test. 

3/ock 329 App/JcanfA, 




^^9<A£!fJaMs Managers, 



GomolQUprr Teat 

St A40nag^r's. 



vubna Bui/db^ 

•J^ed /S 3ofes Managers 

There is a fourth method for checking tests for voca- 
tional selection. This method may be designated the Ap- 
plicants-Experts method. A concrete illustration will make 
this method clear. 

About two hundred and thirty applicants had been recom- 
mended for a selling position by the officials of a large sell- 
ing company. For a period of years about 85 per cent, of 
all applicants recommended for appointment f ailed, resigned, 
or were discharged. It is only fair to assume that these two 
hundred and thirty men were a typical group, and that 85 
per cent, of them, if appointed, would fail. Before appoint- 
ment the men were all subjected to a series of tests. In 
the territories where these two hundred and thirty applicants 
were being tested about twenty 'managers' were induced 
to take the tests with the applicants. These twenty * mana- 
gers ' had all succeeded in the task for which the applicants 
were being sought. The term Applicants as used here refers 
to that group, 85 per cent, of whom would later fail. The 
term Experts refers to those who have, at least in a moderate 
degree, succeeded. The accomplishment of the two groups 
in the tests is indicated in Charts I to VI. In all the charts 
the figures on the base line indicate the scores received in the 
test. The numbers in the vertical column to the left itidicate 
the percentage of the group securing that particular grade 
or worse. Thus 50 per cent, of the Applicants received in 
Test I a grade of less than 60 ; only one of the Experts received 
a grade of less than 60. 


As will be seen at once from a glance at the charts, each 
of the tests separated the groups fairly well with the single 
exception of the Word-Building Test. 

The conclusions from this fourth check are obvious. The 
Word-Building Test fails to differentiate the doubtful from 
the successful group. Unless there is some reason to the 
contrary it should be dropped from the battery of tests for 
this company. Test II is too difficult for either group, but 
still it differentiates the groups. Tests I, III and IV are 
very satisfactory in differentiating the groups. 

Test I is a test of general intelligence, consisting of op- 
posites, mixed relationship, etc. Test II is an unpublished 
test of imagination of the constructive type. Test III is a 
modification of Thomdike's card-sorting test. Test IV is 
a modification of Trabue's completion test. The Word- 
Building test is the well-known Whipple test. In all in- 
stances eight tests were given the applicants. Only the five 
referred to above were given the * managers'. 


By LnJ.TEN J. Martin, Consulting Psychologist, San Francisco, Cal. 

The subject should have been stated on the program as 
Personal Mental Hygiene and the Importance of Investigat- 
ing it, to distinguish it from the sociological mental hygiene 
work which is at present being carried on by the Mental 
Hygiene Society. By mental hygiene I mean the psychologi- 
cal work to be done in creating, maintaining and restoring 
normal mental activity in a given individual. There are many 
reasons why our association should immediately take the lead, 
set the pace as it were, in this matter of mental hygiene by 
either appointing a committee to prepare a report for publi- 
cation in which the different phases of the mental hygiene 
work could be distributed among its various members in such 
a way that each subject would be treated by the one best 
prepared to undertake the work in the particular line, or if it 
seems undesirable to appoint a committee to prepare a report 
for publication on mental hygiene until the matter has been 
taken up and discussed by the association as a whole, would 
it not be well for the association to set aside at least one of 
next year's sessions for the considering of this subject. 

The three most important reasons why the associaticm ought 
to investigate the subject of mental hygiene is first — ^the fact 
that mental testing which should have a therapeutic end in 
view is nearly everywhere too largely satisfied with diagnos- 
tic work; second — ^the fact that there is an almost universal 
use of some form of mental hygiene and that such use largely 
lacks the scientific character which it should possess in view 
of our present psychological knowledge, and thirdly — ^because 
many of the best physicians would be glad to have the number 
of their therapeutic methods increased. In considering the 
opening of an office as consulting psychologist I had an experi- 
ence recently which shows the desirability of our association 
taking the initiative in the mental treatment of disease by 
publishing something in the way of a preliminary report. I 
visited some thirty of the leading physicians of San Fran- 

♦ Presented at the New York Meeting of the American Psychological 
Association, Dec, 1916. 


Cisco to inquire whether they thought there was any oppor- 
tunity for work there along the line of personal mental hy- 
giene. With one exception, where the physician was doubt- 
ful they replied "yes". A few physicians went so far as 
to say that mental hygiene was the next step in medicine and 
two of them actually offered me an office without any expense 
to myself. The fact is, the physicians are ccxning to realize 
that they have neither the time nor the knowledge to make 
proper use themselves of mental hygiene in their practice, and 
if they do not see to it that it is taken up by persons pre- 
pared to imdertake it scientifically it will be attempted by 
those not prc^erly equipped. 

The investigating and applying of mental hygiene looks in 
many directions: 

1st: To the methods and the psychological material to be 
used in teaching it to freshmen and other students in colleges 
and universities who are entirely ignorant of the laws govern- 
ing mental action and indeed scarcely aware that people 
possess minds. An examination of the curriculum of die 
various American universities and collies will show that 
while lectures are everywhere given in physical hygiene scarce- 
ly ever is mental hy^ene taken up in a place which has largely 
to do with the activity of the human mind. That mentd 
hygiene is not given in the lectures on general psychology is 
shown by examining the content of the various psychological 
text books published by college professors. Such silence in 
regard to mental hygiene cannot be attributed to psychological 
ignorance, for we have already collected a large number of 
laws r^^rding memory, attention, imitation, suggestion, habit, 
fatigue, etc., which would greatly help the student to under- 
stand and improve his own mental and physical activity. Of 
course, such a psychological discussion as Uie one proposed is 
bound to bring up old and unsettled questions — that of transfer 
of practice is one that immediately suggests itself. What we do 
need to do is to get together our psychological knowledge and 
decide what would be most valuable to present in the way of 
intellectual and emotional guidance not alone to the college stu- 
dent but to all persons desiring to improve and develop their 
ability to think correctly. That is, it seems to me that in view 
of the silence of psychological text books in general regarding 
mental hygiene this association should now collect and sum- 
marize in printed form such material as is now available in the 
form of syllabi and other unpublished writings whereby psy- 
chologists may, so to speak, pool their knowledge along this 
line in order that students may have presented in lectures on 


mental hygiene that which will be most useful to them in their 
subsequent university work and in later life. Such a report 
might also be made very useful to the teacher of psychology 
in meeting the needs of those outside the university who in- 
quire of him as to the best methods of improving the memory, 
training the attention, etc., for aid in controlling and strength- 
ening the intellectual life. 

2nd. To the making of a curtailed summary and a critical 
study of the work that has been done by psychologists and 
others in applying mental hygiene to the preventing and re- 
moving of mental and physical wesJcness and disease, and to 
an expression of opinion regarding the general value of the 
various remedial mental memods employed. 

3rd. To a brief presentation of investigations along psycho- 
logical and physiological lines which have a significance from 
the standpoint of mental hygiene although not directly con- 
cerned with it. From the standpoint of physiology the inter- 
esting work along this line of one of our members, Dr. Can- 
non, immediately occurs to one as a contribution to this sub- 
ject. Even psychological woric which at first thought seems to 
offer little that would be of mental hygiene value I suspect will 
be very suggestive when one examines it closely from the point 
of view of mental hygiene. Experiments with weights which 
have been sometimes considered laborious and even tedious 
at once occur to me as offering materisJ useful from a men- 
tal hygiene standpoint 

4th. To the gathering of suggestions f ropi ph ysicians hav- ^ 
ing a psychological turn of mind w ho are workmg in other 
"Medical departments as well as that of psychiatry as to the 
particular fields of mental hyg»ene which their experience sug- 
gests as the most desirable and promising for mvestigation. 
There are, of course, certain fidds as that of adolescence and 
senility the importance of investigating which will be evi- 
dent to those having no special medical training. 

5th. To the examination of the present statute laws in the 
various States governing the diagnosis and treatment of men- 
tal and physical disease which should be made to ascertain 
whether a modification of old laws is not needed and whether 
some new laws should not be introduced to aid in the putting 
of mental hygiene on a more scientific and satisfactory basis. 
The question at issue is really whether the work of the psycho- 
logist in mental hygiene is to be one of working entirely under 
a physician or whether his opinion on the data obtained is to 
le regarded as final, whether, as in the case of the chemist 


who makes the urine analysis, or the physicist who makes an 
X-ray examination, the data are to be submitted to the regular 
physician often possessing little or no psychological training, 
for final examination and decision. 

Other matters needing OHisideration will doubtless occur 
to you which should be discussed in a report on mental hygiene 
or taken up in a discussion at a session of the association set 
apart for this purpose. In conclusion I will say, Uiat I shall 
bring up this matter at the business meeting tonight and I 
very much hope that others will think also uiat our associa- 
tion should not longer ignore the thorough consideration of 
personal mental hygiene. 


By Dagny Sunne, PhJ). 

As New Orleans offers unusual opportunity for compar- 
ative study, an investigation was begun last year to compare 
white and negro children of nearly similar social and econ- 
omic status by means of the Binet and Yerkes Point Scales 
and other tests. All the white children above grade II in a 
school situated in one of the very poorest districts were 
delected for examination in order to have environmental and 
school conditions as nearly similar as possible to those of 
negro children of corresponding age and grade. It was hoped 
that the results would indicate whether the ordinary school 
program is as well adapted to the negro children as to the 
white. The purpose was not so much to get a general intel- 
ligence quotient, as to find out specific points of similarity and 
difference. The children, white and negro, attend public 
schools in the same district. The white children were tested 
first and then an almost equal number of negro children of 
as nearly the same age and grade as possible. Each child 
was examined individually by the investigator. The super- 
intendent, principals and teachers cooperated heartily in the 
investigation, and the children, who assumed that it was 
merely a new kind of school exercise, were eager for the tests 
and seemed to do their best. Both principsds and teachers 
were unaware that the tests were made for a comparative pur- 
pose. No children below the second grade were exammed 
as it was desired to employ other tests that required the ability 
to write and to use colored crayons. The white children are 
mainly of Irish, German, Italian and French ancestry, but 
all are natives of New Orleans. In only two families is a 
foreign tongue used to any extent in the home, and few of 
the children can understand even a word of the language of 
their parents. Consequently all of these bws and girls may 
be considered Endish-speaking children. The white children 
tested by both scales numbered 112, 47 girls and 65 boys, from 
grades II to V inclusive; 116 negro children of corresponding 

^ From the Callender Laboratory of Psychology and Education, 
Newcomb College, New Orleans, La. 


grades, 54 girls and 62 boys, besides 8 girls and 2 boys of the 
VI and Vll grades, 126 in all. Thus 238 children were exam- 
ined under exactly similar conditions. 

According to school grades, the n^ro children are more 
retarded than the white as regards both gross percentage and. 
amount, the differences being 10% and .2 year. However, 
the percentage of retardation is the same for both groups in 
grade II, and a little less for the negro than for the white in 
grade V. The negro girls get higher averages than the white 
boys. By the Point Scale ages tiit gross percentages are the 
same, but the averages of the amounts vaiy by .1 year. Th^ 
retardation of the negro children is less in percentage than 
that of the white in grades II and V, and less in amount in 
grade II. 

Reckoned by Binet ages the percentage of retardation of 
the negro children is greater than that of the white children, 
though the average amount is the same for both. At 11 the 
negro percentage is a little less, and at 8 the two groups are 
about even. The percentage of retardation is greater for 
both groups by the Point Scale though the difference between 
them is about the same by the two scal^, the negroes being the 
more retarded. The difference in amount is a little more than 
.1 year in favor of the white children. As to percentage of 
retardation at different age levels, that of the negroes is less 
at 8, II, 12, 14 and 15, and the two groups are even at 13. 

The differences between the boys and girls both white and 
black are somewhat variable. The white girls in every grade 
average higher according to both scales than do the boys. The 
same is in general true for the negro girls. In grade IV the 
latter rank lower than the boys according to the Binet Scale, 
and their amount of retardation increases in the higher grades 
more than it does in the case of the boys. The white girls 
surpass the boys in all their averages at every age according 
to the Point Scale scores and ages, but the average of their 
Binet ages is lower at 8, 9, and 12. The general averages 
of the negro girls according to chronological ages are higher 
than those of the negro boys, but the averages of their Point 
Scale scores and ages are lower at 9 and 14 and their Binet 
averages are lower at 9 and 13 than those of the negro boys. 
There is, consequently, some indication of a difference in men- 
tal development between boys and girls at the 8-9 year level 
and at early adolescence. 

In order to compare racial and sex differences, the white 
children were grouped into a lowest 25%, a highest 25% 
and the medium 50% according to their scores by the two 
scales, and the percentage of negro children between the same 


limits was found. The percentage of in^;ro children in the 
lowest group is greater than that of the white, but also the per- 
centage in the highest group. According to this grouping the 
sex difference between the white boys and the white girls, and 
between the negro boys and the negro girls is greater accord- 
ing to per cents of the Point Scale scores than the correspond- 
ing race differences, but according to the Binet ages and the 
Point Scale ages, tlw race differences in the two highest groups 
are greater Aan the sex differences. If these children are 
compared as to amount of their scores according to the dif- 
ferent scales the sex differences between the white children 
according to Point Scale ages are greater than race differences 
at chronological ages lo, ii, 12, and 13, and- similarly the sex 
differences of the negro children at 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12. Ac- 
cording to Point Scale scores the sex differences of the white 
boys and girls are greater than race differences only at 13, but 
the sex differences of the negro at 8, 9, 11 and 12. Only at 
10 and 13 according to the Binet ages do the white boys differ 
more from the girls than each sex does from the correspond- 
ing negro boys or girls, and the negro boys and girls at 1 1 and 
12 differ more widely from each other than they do from* the 
white children, that is, the raciaJ differences in amount of 
Binet scores are greater than the difference between the boys 
and girls of each race. These comparisons show the great 
variability of racial and sex differences at the different age 
levels, and also that the amount of this variability depends on 
the scale used. On the whole, the negro boys and girls differ 
more from each other than do the white boys and girls, and 
the scores seeem to indicate some definite racial differences, 
which become more apparent when the rating of the children 
in each test is considered. 

According to the Point Scale the negro children are inferior 
to the white in exercises 3, 5, 8, 11, 15, and 20, though the 
averages conceal the fact that the negro boys do slightly better 
than the white boys in tests 5 and 8. The same facts are 
brought out by the Binet Scale only in part, as the scores show 
the negro children inferior in tests V. •!, XII. 4, and VIII. 2, 
equal to the white children in tests IV. 4, and IX. 5, and de- 
cidedly superior in test X. 4. The differences between the chil- 
dren and divex^ences of the scores according to the two scales 
are both significant. Their rating in Point Scale 3 and Binet 
XII. 4 and IV. 4, shows that the negro children can distinguish 
the longer and shorter of pairs of lines as accurately as the 
white children, but when the six pairs of lines are arranged so 
as to test suggestibility they will yield to the suggestion much 
more readily. In the test of arranging weights (Point Scale 8, 


Binet IX. 5) the scores of the white children are higher accord- 
ing to the Point Scale but equal to those of the n^^ro children 
by the Binet Scale, a variance that shows a preponderance of 
higher scores on the part of the former. As this exercise 
tests motor adaptation and accuracy of judgment in manipu- 
lating things, the negro boys and girls may be inferior in both. 
So far the investigation has disclosed no definite difference 
between the two groups in methods of handling the weights, 
so that it seems that tfie lower scores are due chiefly to defi- 
ciency in accurate motor discrimination. In the comprehen- 
sion test, the negro children do better than the white accord- 
ing to Binet scoring (X. 4) but less well according to the 
Point Scale (15), due to the greater frequency of the less 
comprehensive and intelligent answers. The examiner re- 
ceived the impression from these answers of the negro chil- 
dren that kindness and forgiveness and the avoidance of bad 
words had been drilled into them as general principles, so that 
they replied as they felt they " ought " rather than as they 
would act. Such an attitude was not prominent among the 
white children except in a few special instances and in the 
problem of action versus words. In the white school the use 
of offensive language had to be strenuously discouraged. 
Hence judging character by the language used loomed large 
Ijefore the white children as well as 3ie negro children. Both 
groups of children did poorly in completing the analogies 
(Point Scale 20). From the white children 61 correct answers 
were obtained for one analogy (almost invariably a), 26 cor- 
rect answers for two analogies, six for three and three for 
four analogies. The corresponding results for the negro chil- 
dren were 58, 17, 12 and 5, or 54% of the white children were 
able to give i correct answer, 23% gave 2 correct answers, 
5% gave 3 correct answers and 2.5% gave 4 correct, as com- 
pared with 46%, 12.5%, 10% and 4%" for the negro children 
between 8 and 15 years of age. Perhaps such results indicate 
slightly less general intelligence on the part of the younger 
negro children than the white. Four correct replies were 
given by 2 thirteen-year-old white girls, and i fifteen-year- 
old boy, and in the case of the negro children by an eleven- 
year-old girl, 2 girls and i boy fourteen years of age, and by 
a fifteen-year-old girl. Analogy (a) proved to be the easiest 
and (e) the most difiicult. 

In memory tests, according to the Binet Scale, the white 
boys do best in VIII. 5 (repeating 5 digits), and the white 
girls in IX. 3 (giving date) ; the negro children a little better 
in the other tests except VIII. 3 (giving days of week) in 
which both groups get the same averts. The general aver- 


ages according to the Yerkes Point Scale are a little higher 
for the negro than for the white children, but as in the case 
of the Binet Scale the scores for the different age levels •are 
very variable. The negro children average higher in the 
tests requiring immediate retention of words than in retaining 
numerals. Their scores for memory span of digits (Point 
Scale 4) show fewer scores of 5 both relatively and absolutely 
than do those of the white children, but they have more scores 
of 4 in this test. 

On the other hand, the negro children do better than the 
white children in describing and interpreting pictures, in giv- 
ing words for three minutes, in constructing and re-construct- 
ing sentences and in defining abstract terms. How much 
better many of the negro children succeed in describing 
pictures and in giving words for three minutes is not brought 
out clearly in the scores. They described the pictures with 
greater detail and understanding than the white children, so 
Uiat it was often difficult to decide between description and in- 
terpretation, and in such cases the error in marking tends 
toward a lower rather than a higher scoring, in order to avoid 
giving undue credit to ease in use of words and to imagina- 
tive responses without the deeper comprehension. The free- 
association test called forth a much greater number and 
variety of words among the negro than among the white 
children. The latter in the majority of cases confined them- 
selves to objects in the room or immediate surroundings, the 
former drew freely from all sorts of experiences. The other 
tests in which they do better also involve the use of words, 
or the appreciation of form as in drawing a square, a dia- 
mond, and designs from memory. This group of negro chil- 
dren, then, do worse than the white children in work that 
demands finer sensory discrimination and resistance to im- 
mediate impression such as the tests in estimating lines and 
weights, and in some forms of reasoning, but they do better 
in tests demanding verbal analysis and facility and construc- 
tive imagination. 

There are some tests in which the negro boys do better than 
the white boys, but the negro giris worse than the white girls, 
namely, in tests 5, 9, 10, 17, 19 of the Yerkes Scale. The 
averages for these tests show that the girls and boys of each 
race are very nearly alike, the averages being somewhat in 
favor of the girls both white and negro. Thus the apparent 
anomaly must be due to the mental superiority of some of the 
white girls. The scores of the boys as distinct from those 
of the girls in the Binet tests §how few differences of any con- 
siderable amount. %k white girls do better than the boys 

"76 SUNNE 

in defining concrete and abstract words, giving date and nam- 
ing months and the boys do better in the game of patience, 
in repeating numerals and drawing designs from memory, 
which results perhaps indicate better permanent retention of 
details on the part of these girls and better immediate discrim- 
ination and memory on the part of these white boys. The 
negro girls surpass the ^egro boys in arranging weights and 
constructing sentences and the boys in the game of patience, 
copying the diamond, drawing designs from memory and 
counting stamps. Thus these n^;ro girls do better in )anaes- 
thetic discrimination and verbal analysis and the boys in visual 
discrimination and motor co-ordination. 

Some interesting facts result from a study of the scores 
of the white and the negro children in the tests used by Binet 
and which were not adopted by Yerkes. In test V-S, the 
negro children made many more failures than the white chil- 
dren, and the girls are worse than the boys. When this test 
was given the number of moves made by each child was re- 
corded. The white girls who succeeded in the test averaged 5 
moves, the successful boys 3 moves, while those who failed 
averaged 10 moves for the boys and 11 for the girls. The suc- 
cessful negro children made an average of 3 moves each ; the 
unsuccessful boys averaged 6.5 moves each and the girls 5. In 
this test the individual negro was not slower than the white 
child, but as many more failed, their average reaction time is 
higher than that of the white. No negro child made as many 
attempts as some of the white children. Several of the chil- 
dren both white and black arranged the triangles correctly 
but did not notice it, and continued trying different arrange- 
ments. All the white boys who failed were over 3 years re- 
tarded except one boy, almost 3 years retarded, who made 24 
attempts. The white girls who failed were about evenly 
divided between the worst and the best according to their scale 
scores. The negro children showed a similar tendency, though 
a few boys with comparatively high mental age averages 
failed. One 11 year old negro boy about 2 years retarded 
made 22 moves, the largest number. Some of the most re- 
tarded children, both white and black, were satisfied with an 
incorrect arrangement of the triangles. 

In the Binet tests of executing three commissions, distin- 
guishing between right and left and recognizing all the pieces 
of money, the black and white children are about even, but in 
making change the negro children are inferior, but superior 
in naming the date and the months and giving rhymes. Not 
a single child solved completely the problem of reversing the 
clock hands, though a small number, about the same per- 


centage of each race, gave correct answer to half of the test 
The difficulty may have been not so much lack of ability to ' 
control visual imagery as lack of acquaintance with time- 
pieces. This test and the problem questions were the most 
unsatisfactory tests for these children. One negro girl alone 
gave the answer required by Binet for the first problem, but 
4 white boys and i girl suggested a corpse or a man hanging. 
AH of these children readily gave answers to (b) such as 
sickness, death, fighting and killing, but few gave a complete 
explanation for the presence of the three officials, and these 
few failed in problem (a). To the latter problem the answers 
of the negro children were more vari^ and specific, and 
fewer of them answered leaf, moss, or branch than did the 
white children. The negro children, both boys and girls, did 
a little better with the code test than the white children. 

The designs drawn from memory were often extremely 
fanciful, many queer additions or changes being made, so 
that the copies were entirely diflFerent from the originals. No 
diif erence in difficulty between the two designs could be in- 
ferred frcMn the results. Here the white children seemed to 
draw as freely on their imagination as the negro, as they con- 
tributed 28 and the negro 25 of these peculiar drawings. 
These designs were about evenly divided among the white 
boys and girls as well as among the more and the less retarded. 
As regards the negro children, all the most retarded of those 
above 12 years of age, and almost the same number of the 
more and the less retarded among the younger children pro- 
duced some bizarre designs. 

In connection with the Binet tests the scores for opposites 
were obtained for the negro children. When the white chil- 
dren were tested 3 failures were deemed sufficient to make 
further work with that test unnecessary, except with the fifth 
grade children who were given the test in full. All of the 
negro children were given all 20 words, no matter how many 
failures or mistakes were made. Thus a complete compari- 
son between the two groups is not possible. As far as they 
are comparable, the negro boys do better at every age than 
the white boys, while the white girls are superior to the negro 
girls only at 1 1 and 13. The white children are below Pyle's 
norms except the 11 year-old white girls. The negro boys 
are below these norms except at the ages of 9, and 10, and 
the negro girls also except at the ages of 8, 9, and 10. The 
scores are probably not fairly comparable with Pyle's norms 
as the tests were administered differently, but the scores seem 
at least to indicate that these children are inferior to the chil- 
dren tested by Pyle. On the whole, the Opposites test also 


appears to be one involving the use of words in which this 
group of negro children is superior to the white children 

In addition to the individual testing of each child |by 
means of the Binet and the Point Scales, three different class 
tests were given under the direction and supervision of the 
investigator. As these tests involved reading and giving of 
directions that had to be comprehended by the whole room 
full of children, it seemed better that the class-room teacher 
do the actual talking in order to avoid any possible mis- 
understanding from a difference in pronounciation. 

The first of these tests was the so-called logical memory 
test, The Marble Statue. The story was read to the chil- 
dren and they reproduced it, being given all necessary time 
for writing what they recalled. The directions given by Pyle* 
were followed exactly and the results compared with his 
norms. According to the averages in this test, the negro 
children seemed on the whole inferior to the white, whether 
classified according to sex, aee or grade, with the exception 
of the fourth grade, where the white boys had lower scores 
than the negroes. The same inference must be made from 
a comparison of these scores with Pyle's norms. Though 
the white children in general average below these norms, the 
negro children are still lower as can be seen from the average 
deviations, — .49 for white boys, — .61 for white girls, as 
compared with — 1.04 and — 1.45 for the negro boys and girls 
respectively. If five records which are less than half the aver- 
age scores and which are made by retarded children are ex- 
cluded, the average deviation from Pyle's norms will be — .36 
for 41 white boys, — .7 for 41 negro boys and — 1.22 for 28 
negro girls, while the white girls exceed Pyle's average by .18. 

As the reproduction of this story may be to a great extent 
verbatim repetition and at the best is a measure of the ability 
to retain and organize ideas logically, it seemed that interest- 
ing differences might be brought out by giving the children 
an opportunity to let their fancies roam freely. The begin- 
ning of the story suggested by G. M. Stratton in the "Atlan- 
tic Monthly " February, 1916, p. 212 in his article, " Girls, 
Boys and Story-Telling," was used. This was read to the 
children by the teachers who asked their pupils to finish it as 
well as they could. The compositions resulting have been 
entitled " The Princess " and marked according to the num- 
ber of ideas added by the children to ccwnplete the story. The 
superiority of the negro children of corresponding grades 

*Pyle, W. H.: Examination of School Children, pp. 9-10. 


and ages over the white chUdren is almost startling. The 
general average for the white boys is 34 (M. V., 1.3), for 
9ie white girls 4.8 (M. V., 2.2), for the negro boys 10.8 
(M. v., 3.9) or 12 if two greatly retarded boys are disre- 
garded, and for the negro girls 12.6 (M. V., 3.4) while only 
one white girl surpasses the average of the negro girls and 
not a single white boy reaches the average of the negro boys. 
The fifth grade average for the white children is 5 as against 
II. 3 for the n^o. The fact that the negro children are 
somewhat older cannot be the sole explanation of this differ- 
ence, as both white and negro boys do best at 11 and the 
girls at 13. 
The correlation between the Marble Statue and the Princess 

fives the following coefficients: For the white boys grade 
XL, r = .22, grade IV., r = .32, s^ade V., r := .48 ; and for 
the girls grade III., r = .37, grade IV., r == .01, grade V., 
r= — 42 For the negro children the coefficients are for the V., 
grade boys — .38, and for the girls r = o, for the VI. and VII. 
grade boys r = — i., and for the girls — .94, and for both boys 
and girls r = — .96. These divergences in correlation suggest 
some difference in the mental processes of these children 
when confronted with such a test as completing a story. For 
most of the white children it is apparently a matter-of-fact 
task, a perfunctory duty; for many of the negro children 
it becomes a delightful chance to call forth memories and 
fancies, though the former have much better opportunity to 
see pictures and read stories. 

Color preferences of negroes are often supposed to be dis- 
tinctly different from those of white people. In order to 
investigate this assumed difference and also to test their 
aesthetic judgment in this field, each child was |^ven the 
box of eight colored crayons used in their drawmg work 
and outlines on rag-paper of a little girl holding over her 
shoulders a long clo^ or train which falls on the floor be- 
hind her. Although sudi a figure would be familiar to all, 
it also would be out of the ordinary so as to stimulate in- 
ventiveness. Recollections of carnival costumes might also 
show their influence. 

Qassifying these colored drawings first by the color of 
the dress, as being the most prominent feature, we find that 
of 78 negro children the boys show a decided preference for 
blue with yellow a distinct second, while the girls also put 
blue first with orange a much closer second. No boy chose 
ereen for the dress while among the girls g^een and red tied 
for the fourth place. For the color of ttie cloak, the n^^o boys 
make red first, orange second choice ; the girls blue first dioice, 
yellow second, and red a close third. The white boys select 


blue and red as first and second choice for the dress; the 
girls show a decided liking for red, while blue is second in 
rank. No definite preference is shown for any one color in 
the cloak ; the boys choose red and yellow, and the girls yellow 
and blue most frequently. 

The color used most often by both white and negro children 
is black. The order of frequency for the white children, blade, 
yellow, red, brown, blue, orange, green, purple, as compared 
with that of the negro children, black, yellow, brown, orange, 
red, blue, green, purple, shows that red is chosen more often 
by the white than by the negro, by boys rather than by girls, 
and that green and purple are at the end of the scate of pref- 
erence, while orange stands much higher among the negro 
than among the white children. Thus the liking for bright 
colors seems in this case to be no stronger amon^^ tiie negro 
than among the white children. It is also surprismg that the 
children often used faint color/^ rather than the stronger hues, 
and that the negro children especially combined a faint and 
a heavy tone of the same color. It may .be of interest to 
note that the order of preference for the color of the hair 
is for the white children, black, brown, yellow; for the 
negro, brown, yellow, black. Some college girls in the Art 
Department who colored the same drawings chose blue, orange, 
green and yellow, or combinations of these for the dress, 
did not use black at all, and made the hair yellow or auburn. 

The colored drawings of these 167 children were submitted 
to two art teachers for judgment and classified as excellent, 
good and poor. One of them judged the drawings just as 
similar work of college art students would be estimated, 
according to accuracy and correct relations of color values, 
the other placed more stress on color tones and inventive- 
ness. The former will be termed the A, the latter the B class- 
ification. According to the A judgments 9%- of the colored 
drawings of the white children were excellent, 29% good and 
61% poor, and only 18 fo of those of the n^;ro children were 
good and the rest poor. According to the B verdict, lyfo of 
the work of the white children was excellent, 44% good, and 
39% poor, as compared with 23%, 33% and 439^ for the 
negro children. In the case of the latter the B judgments 
place the majority of the children whose chronologicsd ages, 
Binet mental ages, and Yerkes Point scores are highest among 
those who do best in coloring, while the A judgments class 
the children whose scores are medium as good in coloring 
the outlines. For the white children the two sets of judg- 
ments agree much better as to chronological age and Binet 
standing, but show some divergence in relation to the Yerkes 
scores, more of those whose scores fall between 40 and 6a 


being considered good by B than by A. Fewer of the chil* 
dren, both white and n^ro, of the upper grades are put in 
the poor class by B than by A. It seems from these facts 
that the use of colors by the negro children is more primitive, 
but also capable of development along new lines. To the 
investigator the poorer work of the two groups seems very 
similar, though none of that done by the negro children is 
quite so crude as that done by a few of the white girls and 
boys, while the better work shows more daring and striking 
combinations than any tried by the white children. 

More of the colored drawings of the white boys than of 
the girls were judged excellent by both A and B, though a 
greater number of girls than of boys were put in the " g<x)d " 
class by B. The work of the girls was considered decidedly 
poorer by A, 54% of the 'boys as against 72% of the girls 
being put in the lowest class, while in the B list 40%< of each 
sex are found in the poor dass. The negro girls were con- 
sidered somewhat better than the boys by A (21% as against 
1$%) while a greater number of boys than of girls were put 
in the " excellent " and " good " group by B. 

An attempt was made to correlate this work in coloring 
with the story of " The Princess". Here the B judgments 
show somewhat better postive correlations with the story 
than do the A judgments as regards negro girls, while in the 
case of the negro boys, the A judgments are in inverse cor- 
relation with the upper 50% and very close correlation with 
the lower 50%, while the B judgments sustain exactly the 
opposite relations. Too few subjects were tested to draw 
any conclusion. 

A comparison of these results with the findings of other 
investigations shows both similarities and differences. The 
conclusion drawn by A. C. Strong* that "colored children 
are mentally younger than the white children of corresponding 
ages" is true of these children also if measured by the Binet 
Scale, but not according to the Point Scale. That " the colored 
children test more irregularly than the white children" is 
partly corroborated by this investigation, but the conclusion 
that " according to the Binet Scale a larger number of white 
children are in a grade below their mental ability rather than 
above, and the reverse is true of the colored children " does 
not hold of these children. As to the difficulty of individual 
Binet tests the results are in harmony as re^rds the difficulty 
of IX. 2 and 5, X. 2 and 4, XI. 5 and Xll. 3, 4, 5, and the 
ease of VIII. i, 3, and 5, and X. i. But VIII. 4 and X. 5 
proved harder for the white children than for the n^o, and 

* Strong, A. C. : Three hundred and fifty white and colored children 
tested by the Binet Scale. Ped, Sem., 1913. 20^85-515. 


XII. I and 2 hard for both. Not any child examined gave 
both answers required by Binet for XII. 5, though some 
reasonable answers were given by both groups. 

The observation of Phillips* that " the colored pupils as 
a class were good in the memory tests and poor in those 
requiring judgments " coincides only in part with the results 
of these tests. That they " were generally slower in response " 
was true as regards some of those who were more retarded, 
but not of the group as a whole. In fact their reaction time 
seemed less in exercises that test verbal associations and 
analysis. Mr. Phillips found the negro children "less 
animated." No such difference could be noted between these 

The results of the measurements of these two New Orleans 
groups are in substantial agreement with those of Miss Per- 
ring* that the negro children on the whole are older and 
have apparently fewer physical defects than the white chil- 
dren, and that they are more retarded, only the retardatiixi 
is greater in amount in the case of these children than was 
found in the Philadelphia School. 

As the tests reported by Ferguson* were entirely different 
from those tried on the New Orleans children no comparison 
is possible. As regards the \ariance in ability between the 
full-blood and mixed-blood, the writer ventures no conclusion, 
as too few of the former were tested. 

As far as comparable, the results of this investigation agree 
on the whole with those reported by Pyle^: that the racial 
differences are variable, that the negro girls surpass the bovs 
more than the white girls surpass the white boys (if the 
averages alone are considered), and that negro children are 
inferior in motor-co-ordination. 


I. Specific differences between these white children and 
negro children seem to be mainly a greater facility in control 
of words, a more fertile imagination as relating to general 
human activities, though not in problems demanding mechani- 
cal preciseness and ingenuity, and a more original and 'perhaps 
more primitive taste in use of colors, on the part of the latter; 

* Phillips, B. A: The Binct Tests Applied to Colored Children. 
Psychol. Clinic, 1914, 8: 190-196. 

*Perring, L. F.: A Study of Comparative Retardation. Psychol 
Clinic, 191S, 9: 87-93. 

•Ferguson, G. O., Jr.: Psychology of the Negro. Archiv. of 
Psychol, No. 36, 1916. pp. ijiS. 

^ Pyle, W. H. : The Mind of the Negro Child. School and Society, 
191S, I •• 357-360. 


greater resistance to suggestion, better kinaesthetic discrimnia- 
tion and motor control, and perhaps a better capacity for logi- 
cal analysis on the part of the white children. The tests in 
reasoning on the whole show no definite race differences. 
Contrary to a prevalent notion, these negro children were not 
superior to the white in verbatim reproduction or immediate 
retention, and about equal to them in tests of permanent 
retention. A greater variety of details was noted by the 
negro children in the Binet pictures, so that in this respect 
their capacity for observation is keen. In work requiring 
constructive imagination, as shown in story telling, they were 
far superior to the white children tested. The test used to 
get a clue to differences in color preferences did not show 
a more decided choice of the brighter and more saturated 
colors by the negro than by the white children. The variance 
in reaction of the white and of the negro children to the 
test in finding rhymes made this also one of the more signifi- 
cant exercises, as complete failure in giving rhymes was very 
rare among the black, but rather frequent among the white 

2. The variability of the scores of these children may be 
due to race differences, sex differences, or variations in in- 
dividual capacities. If all the results are considered, the in- 
fluence of the latter factor is probably as great as either of 
the others. 

3. The educaticHial bearings of the results of these tests 
may be significant if corroborated by more extensive investiga- 
tions. They indicate on the part of the greater number of 
these negro children a keener sense of rhyme, an unusual 
facility in stoiy-telHng and originality in color combinations. 
For example, in their stories suggested by the Binet pictures 
and their compositions on ** The Princess " many of them 
showed an artistic development very different from any mani- 
fested by the white children. On the other hand, in exercises 
that test abilities most commonly demanded in our public 
schools, the majority of the black children reach the average 
of white children markedly retarded both according to school 
grades and mental tests, though some of them exceed it. But 
if there are certain traits in which they differ conspicuously 
from the white children it would seem advisable to encourage 
and train these peculiar tendencies as well as more general 
capacities instead of exclusively trying to fit them into the 
pattern that suits a majority of the white children. Educa- 
tional progress may be achieved both by conforming to high 
standards and by individual variaticHis. 


Walter B. Swift, M. D., Boston, Mass. 
Miss Jennie Hedrick, Washington, D. C. 

The object of this paper is to collect from patients methods 
and means used by stutterers to start their own speech. 

The so-called " starter " is not a symptom or sign of stutter- 
ing. It is bot always present in uniform shape; but varies 
according to the ingenuity of the patient and according to the 
methods he happened to stumble upon. As it is not a symptom 
or part of the disease itself, a definition is therefore apropos 
under such circumstances. 

A " starter " consists in any sort of a makeshift, start, 
action or attitude that a stutterer consciously or unconsciously 
invents in order to facilitate the flow of language. More 
detail can hardly be taken without encroaching upon the 
main part of the paper. Perhaps one illustration will suffice 
to clarify this definition. For example, a stutterer comes 
to me and tries to say *' Good-morning, Teacher," but the 
"g" sticks in his throat and he is unable to utter it till he 
moves both elbows outward. This he claims starts his speech 
somewhat better than without it. To the external observer 
he is able to utter the " g " in " good " and the word " teacher " 
runs off easily itself afterwards. 

The patient has consciously invented this speech helper 
and consciously employs it to start his speech and finally it 
may become an unconscious motion. 

A word about what the "starter" is not. The starter is 
not a cure. The starter is not something that has been told 
the patient by another; otherwise it would be a method of 
cure or at least a method of relief. Starters are not the same 
in their form. Finally they are not any part of the disease 
whatever. A starter is not tic ; and not chorea. 

With this, I think it will be clear just what a starter is and 
what it is not. Let us proceed then to describe what they 
stand for and do when used by patients. 

The principle of starters is simple and always the same. 
The sole and only reason for employing a starter is for the 
obvious reason of diverting the attention from the throat con- 
traction and throat spasm and the accompanying mental strain 
that prevents utterance. 

Of 123 patients 
Of these 


We come next to the forms and varieties of " Starters." 
Out of our entire list of stuttering patients, 123 cases, we have 
tabulated the various forms and shapes of starters that were 
used by some of these patients. The varieties of starters con- 
sist of the fdlowing: 

'^45 have starters. 

1 was arm motion. 

2 were leg motion. 
I was body motion. 
9 were hand motion. 
8 were head motion. 

^ 7 were parts of face. 

A complete list of all these starters follows : 

Taps with little finger and bobs head up and down. 

Occasional repetition of syllables. 

Speech accompanied by excessively stiflF and open jaws. 

Frequent inhalations. 

Deep inhalations. 


The word " For." 

Marked contortions consisting of throwing the head to one 
side with strained and forced open mouth, contraction 
of neck muscles which spread to the back, arms and 
sometimes legs; also frequently long closing of eyes. 

Speaks slowly and clasps hands. 

Hand and 1^ motion. 


Click of the tongue. 

Laughs, blows and wobbles her head about ; also says, " Let 
me see." 

Raises leg or arm. 

Closing fist and moving hand as in pounding. 

Says a short sentence three or four times under his breath. 

Also repeats a vowel or consonant over five to six times, then 
utters his sentence. 

Holds breath before starting a sentence and says, " See- 
see- see. 

Rapidity in utterance 2 cases. 

" Breathing and thinking ahead what he had to say." 

Tapping and talking slowly, gasps and throws back his head 
with deep inspiration. 

Bobs head up and down as if saying yes and no in rapid 

" S " as a starter. 


Gasps frequent and severe. 

Hard jerk and jaw drops. 

" I wait and then I can say it." 

Crossed fingers behind her back, fls^s her hands to side; 
also stamps feet three or four times before beginning 
to talk. 

Pounds hand or fist on knee, table or chair. 

Twists or puckers her mouth. 

Puts hands together and opens and closes them like a 

Breathing 2 cases. 

Inhalaticm 3 cases. 

High note as a starter; also repeats initial syllable. Some- 
times strikes three or four high notes, going higher 
and higher till this works as a starter. 

Helps himself by stopping and thinking. 

Stops and starts all over again. 

Movement of head to right and left. 

Bows his head and holds it down and tries to blow out 
his words. 

Moves her hands and sometimes takes a deep breath. 

Holds mouth open in hesitation before speaking. 

Motion of body. 

Breathes to start his talk. 

We come now to a consideration of the psychological 
analysis of some of these cases. 

By this is meant an introspection of the patient himself 
before starting the starter, the effect of that starter, and the 
comparison of his speech with or without that " starter." 

This can be shown by presentation of the following case 
analyzed in the way mentioned above. 

That is, the psychological side can be easily seen by a re- 
port of some introspections by patients as follows : 

Puts hands together and opens and closes the fingers like 
a shell. 

The instant trouble is anticipated the patient tries for slow- 
ness of speech as a "starter" and secures it through the 
hand motion. The slowness partly diverts his attention, but 
it doesn't cure — that is, he has the same trouble the next 
time on the same word. Help is merely for that occasion. 

Pounds knee, table or chair with fist. 

The starter is used when the patient stutters very hard. 
Boy says, "When the stutter comes back" he applies the 
starter in the middle of a hard stutter. Boy says, " Helps 
to make stutter go away." Pounds with right hand mostly 


but sometimes both together, to "make stutter stop." Pa- 
tient can not introspect very well. He says the sentence goes 
along easily after "the hit." After stutter is relieved by 
activity, the following words are easier. After suggestion he 
says that he anticipates trouble and uses the "starter" to 
sidetrack the stutter, but usually uses it after the stutter has 

Twitch of mouth. 

Pucker of mouth. 

" Starter " consists of puckering her lips to help speech 
along. She uses it at the beginning of a stutter. 

It is used pretty constantly, yet on some days when stutter 
is not so bad it is not used so much. 

She sees trouble coming ahead on certain words. When 
the stutter is to be severe she uses the " starter," which is 
left out when little trouble is anticipated. 

Help is momentary. Just as mudi trouble on same words 
next time. 

To summarize these psychological activities, we would say 
that the data in these few cases of introspection show: 

First: That " starters " originate as entirely conscious 
matters. After long use they may become almost uncon- 
scious but not quite so, although they are held to be so by 
the patient. 

Second: That they are used just after trouble is antici- 
pated and inostly when severe trouble is anticipated. In 
other words the patient sees trouble coming, then consciously 
inserts the "starter" to sidetrack it 

Third: " Starters " are entirely a matter of volition and 
may be inserted or omitted at the will of the patient. 

We next come to the explanation of the inefficiency of 
starters. They fail to cure. They fail to relieve more than 
temporarily. They only relieve for the instant. Jt is up 
to us now to give the psychdogical reasons for this inefficiency. 

The reason is because a "starter" is merely a temporary 
diversion of the attention. 

Completion of the treatment of stuttering i ^ made through 
and comes Irom the devdopment of the visualization pro- 
cess.* A momentary sidetracking of the attention can hardly 
ever attain to the dignity of developing such processes whence 
comes its inefficiency as treatment 

Summary: To recapitulate, a "starter" consists in any 
invented motion or action gotten up by the patient to help his 

1 Swift, Walter B.: "The Developmental Psychology of Stuttering." 
Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Oct.-Nov., 1916. 


speech action. From analyses these are shown to be move- 
ments of heady arms, body, face. To the variety of 41 in 
45 cases out of 123 cases examined, they are merely instant 
helps. They are no cure. They are usually diflferent in dif- 
ferent patients. They are usually the same in the same pa- 
tient Their momentary efficiency consists merely in a diver- 
sion of the attention. Their failure to cure consists in the 
lack of any profound development of visualization processes. 


H. L. HoLUNGWOBTH, Vocational Psycholo^^, Its Problems and Meth" 
ods. D. Appleton & ,G>., 1916, app. xviii, 308. 

As a result of the tremendous increase in industry and in the 
varieties of occupations during the nineteenth century, we at present 
must face the important problem of fitting the right man to the right 
occupation. This is obviously as important for tiie employed as it is 
for the employer. Some systematic and scientific attempts have beoi 
made to work out methods for indicating the aptitude of an indi- 
vidual for certain lines of endeavor. Such an attempt, the author 
points out, resolves itself essentially into a study of individual differ- 
ences, differences largely in the mental characteristics of both the 
occupation and of the mdividual. Although this branch of applied 
psychology is still in its infancy, 'a sufficient body of carefully ac- 
quired facts has already been determined to warrant the designation 
of Vocational Psychology. Hollingworth frequently emphasizes the 
fact that this new science is still incomplete and that, at the present 
time, it is by no means capable of giving the proper vocational guid- 
ance to the individual case. The present volume is an attempt to 
determine definitely the problems which the new science must attempt 
to solve, to summarize ,the present existing methods and the body 
of fact already acquired, and finally to evaluate the methods and to 
point out whidi of them appear to be the more fruitful. Hence we 
have here an attempt to work out a systematic |)rogram for .work 
in the future. 

Hollingworth first discusses the historical background for the 
science of vocational psychology and in this connection he most severely 
criticizes the alleged science of physiognomy which has recently been 
revived. He points out that the true p^chological test must be em- 
ployed in such an analsrsis. We must first analyse all of the occu- 
pations,— obtain " Psycographs " of the different jobs^ to use the au- 
thor's term, — and determine the physical, physiological, intellectual, 
moral, social and temperamental characteristics necessary for each. 
We must then evolve tests to determine the presence of these same 
characteristics in the individual who presents himself for examination. 

The author discusses the experiments which have been conducted 
in an effort to obtain a very careful, complete and detailed picture 
of the mental processes of men who have achieved marked success 
in their chosen professions. The case of Henri Poincar^, the eminent 
mathematician and philosopher, is given in great detail and the results 
indicate that this is a very fruitful line of investigation. This line 
of attack is important because " it is on some variation of this method 
that we must largely rely in our efforts to learn to what degree 
vocational success depends on the presence of demonstrable personal 
characteristics, rather than on the accidents of time, place and cir- 
cumstance." It is hoped that eventually we may have such a series 
of vocational psychographs for all occupations. 

Hollingworth considers next the question of specialized vocational 
tests and methods. There exist to-day "some twenty types of work 
for whidi tests have already been proposed, recommended and more 
or less tentatively tried out." These the author describes and he also 


attempts to evaluate their worth. The self analysis of the individual 
is also discussed. In this connection, HoUinpnvorth points out that 
the more complete this analvsis, the greater its value. The lists of 
traits proposed by Cattell, Wells, Yerkes and LaRue and other work- 
ers in this field are given. The author also discusses the method 
of the judgments regarding an individual's traits of character as passed 
by his associates. An entire chapter is given up ,to the consideration 
of the correlations and evaluations of self analysis, the estimates 
of associates and the results of objective tests, in which connection 
Hollingworth reports the results of a new and carefully planned ex- 
periment along these lines. The school curriculum as a vocational 
test is treated in a separate chapter. In a sense the school curriculum 
may be conceived as constituting an elaborate mental test, inasmuch 
as it selects and classifies individuals who possess a certain type of 
mental alertness or patience. It also supplies the individual with 
certain subject matter which may be of use in after life and affords 
opportimity of exercising such specific or general abilities as the 
curriculum calls into play. 

The book contains a gratifyingly large number of summaries of 
experimental studies in which the results are given in great detail. 
Also a classified bibliography and an appendix of tests and test-blanka 
are included, which should be of interest to bpth the technical reader 
and to the layman. The book is written in an easy non-technical style 
which is very readily understood. One is impressed by the conserva- 
tism shown by the author throughout the discussion and by the keen 
analysis and good common-sense displayed. A chapter on the voca- 
tional aptitudes of women by Leta Stetter Hollingworth is included 
in the text This author fails to find any evidence existing at present 
which tends to show that women should be excluded from any of the 
occupations examined. 

Clark University. Samuel W. Fernberger. 

Simon Robert Hoover, The Science and Art of Salesmanship. The 
Macmillan Co., 1916. pp. xviii, 193. 

This book is intended to serve as a textbook in commercial courses 
for beginners and for more or less experienced salesmen. The author 
holds that " salesmen are not such by birth," but that salesmanship 
is the "result of study and practice." A sale as a psychological 
process is analyzed into: involuntary^ attention, voluntarv attention, 
interest, desire, determination or decision, and action. The last part 
of the second and the whole third chapter are devoted to the sides- 
man's mental attitude. The author advocates not only that "kind 
of courtesy which will endure slights, and sometimes even insults, 
Mrithout retaliation" but also a courtesy which "must be the real 
article, not merely a Friar Tuck species of superficial veneer, which 
can be assumed in the presence of die prospect and discarded on leav- 
ing him." His exact meaning of the important terms employed is 
illustrated by concrete examples^ given in an anecdotal fashion, and 
selected from the sphere of business-life. In his discussion of other 
requirements for successful salesmen he gives a similar treatment to 
such terms as poise, cheerfulness, faith, hope, enthusiasm, persistency, 
alertness, procrastination, initiative, concentration, temper, self-control, 
tact, diplomacy, patience, ambition, promptness, and dominance of 
expression. The customers or "prospects are divided according to 
temperament into the vital, the motive, and the mental, and weir 
respective characteristics are enumerated. According to motives they 


are classified as cautious, stubborn, vain, conceited, argumentative, and 
cunning. The next three chapters deal with the process of the sale, 
the demonstration, and the closing of the sale and recommend many 
generalizations for the guidance of the salesman which are well illus- 
trated. In the shortest chapter, less than five pa^es long, some of 
the most important suggestions are made on "finding and correcting 
mistakes." The remaining chapters deal with the " Relations between 
Departmental Managers and Salesmen," "Department Store Instruc- 
tions," and "The Salesman's Reward," again each topic being amply 
illustrated. : 

While the general style and treatment of the subject seems to the 
reviewer well adapted to beginners he doubts whether older salesmen, 
especiall]^ if their reading is not supplemented by classroom discussions, 
will derive much benefit from it, particularly with regard to the 
psychological aspects of the topic. The crude and superficial analysis 
of the 'prospect" is not suited to foster the right mental atittudc 
in the young salesman toward his — shall we say: "victim." The 
enumerative serial of mental requirements for a good salesman is 
so disconnected and so superficially related to the general vocation 
that the young reader will either be overwhelmed by it and give up 
the attempt to attain it, — for it can be attained by study and prac- 
tice" — or else on account of its generality he will gain the conviction 
that he already possesses most if not all wese requirements and there- 
fore will consider further attempts to improve himself as a waste 
of time. In fact, the list fits any other vocation about as well. 
With the exception of the picture of the salesman's sample case Uie 
other four illustrations are of little instructive value. The whole 
book is a splendid evidence — if such is necessary — for the urgent need 
of a psychological analysis of the processes of selling. L. R. G. 

Jean Wetoensall, The Mentality pf the Criminal Woman, Warwick 
and York, Inc., 1916. pp. xx, 332. 

The subtitle "A Comparative Study of the Criminal Woman, the 
Working Girl, and the Efficient Working Woman in a Series of 
Mental and Physical Tests" indicates the general scope of the work 
which was conducted by the Department of Psychology in the Labora- 
tory of Social Hygiene at Bedford Hills, New York Reformatory. 
The results obtained from 88 convicted women, 16-33 years old, at 
their first admission to the institute, are compared, step by step, with 
results from 515 girls 14-15 years old and ready to leave school who 
were tested by Dr. Helen T. Woolley and Mrs. Charlotte R. Fischer 
m the Bureau of Vocational Guidance connected with the public 
schools of Cincinnati, and in part also with similar data from 18 
maids, 17-30 years old and working at Vassar College. All tests 
of the criminal women were given by the author, to one subject at 
a time, in a quiet and pleasant room, during the first two weeks of 
admission, while the subject was kept isolated from other inmates, 
and only if she was in a normal condition, "so that if they fall 
below the standard series (of school-girls), they do so with everything 
in their favor." Many other examinations and tests were made on 
these women, but only those are reported here which can be com- 
pared with other groups of subjects. 

The results include the physical tests of standing and sitting 
height, weight, strength of gnp for each hand with the Smedley 
dynamometer, steadiness of hand, and rapidity of the tapping move- 
ment during 30 and 60 seconds, as an index of fatiguability. The 


following mental tests are reported: sorting of 48 cards each marked 
with a circle of a Hering color, cancellation of letter a, memory 
span for nmnbers and the per cent of seven, eight, and nine numbers 
remembered, substitution, completion of sentences, association by op- 
posites, Woodworth and Wells' cancellation of numbers, facility and 
character of handwriting checked in terms of Ayers' and of Thorn- 
dike's scale and correlated with Binet age, rate and character of 
reading and number of ideas recalled, Woodworth and Wells' stand- 
ardized easy and hard direction tests, two new verbal direction tests, 
ability to tell time, and several Healy-Femald tests, besides mirror- 
drawmg exercises. The second chapter gives a description of general 
methods, a classification of subjects for comparative purposes, and 
27 pages of original scores made by the 88 Bedford women and the 
18 college maids. In the third chapter we find a detailed description 
of each test as administered, the material and apparatus used in it, 
the instructions given to the subjects, comparative tables and graphs, 
and a disctission of the individual results. The comparative tables 
show for each group of subjects the 25th percentile, the median, the 
75th percentile, the differences between the two percentiles and the 
median, and the upper and lower limits of the scores. In the fourth 
chapter other tests are reported on, in which 200 Bedford women 
were examined, including the 88, to make sure that the latter are truly 
representative of the general type of criminal women admitted to the 
reformatory, and to compare them in part with the 18 college maids 
and in part with the 200 Binet subjects. The next chapter presents 
the social, industrial, and physical records of the 88 women and the 
18 college maids, and summarizes them in twelve tables. The last 
chapter, entitled ''Summary and Conclusions" offers six more tables 
of results, bringing the total up to 94 tables, and one more frequency 
graph, bringing this total up to 05 curves. 

All the tests give "evidence that the reformatory inmates con- 
stitute two pretty distinct groups with respect to their intelligence; 
. . . one group of the Bedford 88 has clustered about the better 
end of the standard curve, and another group toward the poorer 
end," the reason being difficult to discover. The only uniform factor 
separating the two groups seems to have been the amount of progress 
made in school, the poorer group showing much more retardation in 
school than the better group. The age of the women seems to have 
made no difference in ti^e results. On the whole, the great difference 
in mentality between the 88 Bedford women and the 500 Cincinnati 
school girls seems to be, not an inability to perform tests, but a 
mental sluggishness in adaptation to new conditions, a carelessness, 
indifference, and irresponsibility, fostered, perhaps, by long habits of 
trying to do work without having fully understood what they are 
asked to do. "Another result of their habit of not thinking about 
what they are doing or about what they wish to accomplish is to 
make them more clumsy in tlieir methods of work than such a group 
as the (college) maids or than they themselves actually need to be." 

But this imi^rtant result seems to the reviewer to be obtained 
mostly as a bi-product of the careful observation of the subject's 
behavior during, and attitude toward, the tests: the elaborate tests 
themselves and the still more elaborate methods of scoring and com- 
puting have only hinted at it. The author says "the fact that in 
many of the foregoing tests these women vary less from the normal 
in accuracy of performance than in rate of performance is not 
without its educational significance;" the reviewer wishes to point 


out its further significance for the need of a future revision of the 
present methods of mental testing. Other important deductions as 
to the mentality of these criminal women are likewise not based on 
the tests themselves, but on certain other observations for which they 
incidentally furnished a good opportunity. The implicit criticism 
of mental tests is thus an appreciable, thou^ not intentional addition 
to the great value of the work of the Bedford Laboratory. 

L. R. G. 

Fred Cablbton Ayek, The Psychology of Drawing. Warwick and 
York, Inc., 1916. pp. ix, 186. 

The general setting and scope of the problem, which is outlined 
in the first chapter, is the study of drawing and its value in laboratory 
exercises as a part of teaching the sciences in his^-schools and col- 
leges. The second part, chapters two to five, presents a condensed 
survey of the literature of drawing, discussing the chief contributions 
from the standpoint of methods of research, relation of drawing to 
intellectual development and analysis of the drawing products and 
of the drawing process. This is supplemented by an extensive bibliog- 
raphy of no titles, in which the chief points of interest and value 
of tne special works on drawing are briefly indicated. In the third 
part the author's original investigation is described. 

In this part the laboratory procedure in general science is sub- 
<livided into: i. analytical observation with (a) representative draw- 
ing, (b) description, and (c) analytical or schematic drawing; 2. 
laboratory records of i. (a), (b) and (c) ; and 3. retention and 
recall The author's special problem is ''to determine the character 
of the various interrelations of (these) factors." In tiie first experi- 
ment 51 first year high-school students in a general science class 
were directed to (a) make a representative drawing (or copy) of 
a turkey feather in 13 minutes; (b) describe and explain the same 
object (12 min.); (c) study two groups of details of it according 
to directions and answer one question each about them (10 min. each) ; 
(d) dissect a certain part, observe it under the miscroscope, and answer 
a question about it (15 min.); and (e) make a diagrsmi showing 
relative arrangement of observed parts (15 min.). The next step 
in the experiment consisted in calculating the correlation between 
school drawing and achievement in other school subjects in the case 
of 141 normal school students. In the third experiment the same 51 
'high-school students were directed, 24 hours after the first experi- 
ment, (a) "to make a simple diagram of a feather, showing and 
labeling the parts visible to the naked eye " and (b) to answer certain 
questions about the object. Two groups of 30 and 31 undergraduates 
were then asked to observe and draw, first one, then another unfamiliar 
object, and five da^s later were given an unannounced examination 
to test their retention of form and color. A group of 48 graduate 
-students, "immediately after spending seven minutes each in describ- 
ing and drawing a microscope clip " were asked to give careful intro- 
spections about their procedure, according to certain directions. 
Hnally, a class of 16 graduates was divided into two equal groups 
"both observing at separate times the same object (a stuffed bird) 
and answering the same questions about it; but the first group was 
then directed to note carefully one particular detail, the second group, 
a different detail, and afterwards both had to "draw the bird in any 
<onvenient position." 


The results of all these experiments were carefully scored and 
the correlations determined by the Pearson formula as well as by the 
Rank-Difference Method. Amon^ the final conclusions, as stated in 
chapter 7, the psychological analysis of drawing, while most interesting, 
cannot be summarized here. Another important result is that ** repre- 
sentative drawings do not afford a measure of the pupil's progress 
or an adequate record of the work which he has accomplished," 
they do not aid the memory, but interfere with the formation of 
scientific concepts. Verbal descriptions and analytical drawings are, 
however, very useful for these purposes, while memory drawings test 
retention of spatial and form relationships and call attention to 
previous omissions and errors. L. R. G. 

E. L. Thorndike, W. A. McCall, and J. C. Chapman. Ventilation 
in Relation to Mental Work. Teachers College, Columbia Uni- 
versity Contributions to Education, No. 78^ 1916, pp. 83. 

This ;monograph contains a brief " Introduction " by Thorndike, an 
experiment by Chapman on the effects of the conditions of the air on 
mental work, the conditions being changed daily, and several experi- 
mental studies by Thorndike and (McCall on the effect of certain con- 
ditions of the air upon (1} the rate of improvement of mental func- 
tions, (2) the accuracy of judgment, and (3) the choice of alternatives 
to mental work. All these experiments were "carried on under the 
auspices of the New York State Commission on Ventilation with the 
aid of a fund given by IMrs. Elizabeth Milbank Anderson." Only the 
psychological results are presented; "the chief aims were to measure 
the effect of heat and expired air upon the quantity and quality of 
the mental products produced per unit of time, and upon the readiness 
of individuals to work. Certain statements made by them as to their 
felt fitness for work and general well-being" are also included. The 
conditions of the air investigated were: as to temi)erature, variations 
of 86*, 75**, and 68" F., as to relative humidity, variations between 80 
and 50%, as to movements of air, either almost none or stale air 
recirculated by four fans at high speed, and as to air supply, either 
none or 45 cu. ft. per minute per person of outside air. Many pre- 
cautions were taken to control 6uch variables as practice, fatig;ue, 
clothing, etc The mental work included: color naming^ cancellation 
of 2's and 3's, hard opposites, addition, mental multiplication, type- 
writing, and evaluations of specimens of handwriting and English 
composition. The subjects, mostly male university students, were 
tested in squads of ifour or five, remaining Sn some cases four, in 
others 8, hours, in the test-room. Under certain conditions they worked 
twice in the same half day for 75 minutes at a time, with a 30 minutes' 
interval; under other conditions they worked for two hours in suc- 
cession both in the fore- and afternoon, and in a third set the^^ alter- 
nated at short intervals between "maximal effort tests in wmch the 
subject is required to do his very best, and * * * option tests in 
which the subject is requested to do as much or as little as he pleases." 
Some of the options were mental multiplication of a three-place {num- 
ber, reading a current novel, resting quietly, sleep, conversation, and 
doing nothing. 

The results are best stated in Thomdike's words, taken from his 
final section, " Summary and Interpretation," where he says : " With 
the forms of work and lengths of period used, we find that when an 
individual is urged to do his best he does as much, and does it as well, 
and improves as rapidly, in a hot, humid, stale, and stagnant air con- 


dition ♦ ♦ ♦as in an optimum condition. ♦ ♦ ♦ We find further 
that when an individual is given work to do that is of no interest or 
value to him and is deprived even of means of telling how well he 
does it, and is in other ways tempted to relax standards and 4o work 
of poor quality, he still shows no inferiority^ in the quality of the 
product produced in stagnant air. * « * Finally, we nnd that when 
an individual is left to his (or her) own choice as to whether he shall 
do mental work or read stones, rest, talk, or sleep, he does as much 
work per hour when the temperature is 75' as when it is 69**." 

In his efforts to reconcile these results with the contrary experiences 
of daily life, Thomdike suggests that "the discomforts to which men 
have responded by ceasing mental work mi^ht perhsu>s better be re- 
sponded to iby working to pay for an electric fan, taking cool baths, 
or thinking out ways to reduce the physical exertions which accentuate 
the discomforts." He might have added the frequent observation that 
the busy person feels the unfavorable air conditions usually less than 
the idle one. His final word is "when heat reduces mental work it 
may do so via the general discomforts which it causes rather than 
by any intrinsic disability or unreadiness in the process of mental 
production itself." In an Appendix the instructions to the subjects 
for the tests employed are given in detail 

This monograph is by far the most important and valuable con- 
tribution to " bionomic " psychology that has appeared in recent times, 
and it is hoped that its author may find :furUier means to extend it 
so as to investigate conditions for longer periods of work and to 
analyze in greater detail the mental states of the subject's comfort or 
discomfort, for in this point seems to lie the great psychological 
significance of work under unfavorable conditions of the air. 

L. R. G. 


Ceo. R. Eastman. Psychology of salesmanship, Dayton, Ohio, Ser- 
vice Pub. G>. (c 1916.) 267 p. 

Cbo. R. Eastman. Psychology for business efficiency, Dayton, Ohio, 
Service Pub. Co. (c 1916.) 265 p. 

In the introduction of the first book the problems in general are 
discussed. Part one takes up the making of the sale, including the 
training of the salesman, parts of the selling process, the pre-approach, 
aspects of solicitation, dealing with objections, marking down, etc. 
Part two takes up the process of thinking, feeling and acting, and 
here the psychology comes in. We are told many remarkable things 
concerning behavior, experimental psychology, mind, brain, habit, mem- 
ory, learning process, instinct and attention, will, thinking, ju^;ment, 
reason, etc. This is the weakest part of the book, and the topics are 
treated in the most schematic way. The third part, however, is not 
much better from a psychological point of view. It deals widi factors 
which determine thinking, feeling and acting, such as instinct, will to 
live, interests, desire, value, price, truth, etc. We are told that this 
book is intended for those who believe salesmanship an honorable pro- 
fession rendering an important and difficult service, and who beheve 
that the salesman is not bom ready-made. 

In the second book the author first proves that business is connected 
with psychology, then expounds the process of thinking, feeling and 
acting. In an introduction he tells us about mental and physical pro- 
cesses, subject and object, mind and matter, Jcnowledge of others, etc., 
and then discusses conscious purpose, association of mental processes, 
memory, reason, interest, attention, will, thinking, reflex arc, will to 
live, man as a social being, complication of interests, suggestion, hypno- 
tism, belief and truth, etc There is not much mdication that this 
author has thought or even read very deeply in psychology. Perhaps 
the conning of this book might do good to those who know little or 
■nothing of the subject, but the value of such works as the above seem 
to the writer of this note rather questionable. 

The following books and monographs have been received: 

Lewis M, Terman. The Measurement of Intelligence, Houghton 
Mifflin Company, 1916. 

J. E. Wallace Walun. Experimental Oral Euthenics, Reprinted 
from Dental Cosmos, April and May, igi2, 

. Psychological Aspects of the Problem of Atmospheric 

Smoke Pollution. Pittsburgh, 1913. 

, Psycho-Motor Norms for Practical Diagnosis. Psycho- 
logical Review Monograph Series, Vol. 22, No. 2, August, 1916. 

. Missouri Children's Code Commission. December, 1916. 

SiGMUND Freud. The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement 
Translated by A. A. Brill. Nervous and Mental Disease Mono- 
graph Series, No. 25. New York, 1916. 

George D. Halsey. Self-Analysis in the Choice of a Vocation and 
Outline of the "Average Opinion" Plan. Vocational Bureau, 
Chamber of Commerce, Atlanta, Ga., 1916. 

The American Journal of Sociology. January, 1915. 

Kentucky High School Quarterly. January, 1917. 


The Economic Psychology Association held its second annual 
meeting on January 26 and 27 in the Psychological Laboratory of 
Columbia University. The chief problems with which nearly all the 
papers dealt, either directly or indirectly, were the selecting, the train- 
ing, and the retaining of employees. Most of the speakers were prac- 
tical business men who have to face these problems in managing the 
affairs of their business; and it was instructive to learn what is the 
attitude of these business men toward the contributions which psy- 
chology has made to this subject. Psychologists are, as a rule, rather 
modest as to the practical value of their work; and there seems to 
be no immediate danger that their results will be mastered and applied 
by the business world, if one may infer from such progressive business 
men as constituted the New York gathering. Although business is 
calling loudly for help from psychology, the business man is either 
not ready to go half way and nnd out what psycholo^ already has 
to offer, or else he demands quicker methods and " quicker returns " 
than science can promise. There seems to be a similar attitude in 
the industrial world toward medical contributions, as one of the 
speakers pointed out. Psychologists will be surprised to learn that 
department stores are still waiting for an adequate means of testing- 
color vision, suggestibility, etc. There is clearly a lack of coopera- 
tion between psychologists and business men; the Economic Psychol- 
ogy Association aims to remedy this defect, and at the same time to 
serve as a clearing-house for the exchange of such practical devices 
as their various members have found to be valuable in their work. 
While a great deal of good might be accomplished by such an organ- 
ization, it would seem that the present mode of handling the affairs 
of this particular Association is hot well adapted to its purposes. 
With the exception of a few psycholo^sts who were conspicuous by 
their silence, most members of the audience had evidently come to be 
heard rather than to listen. There is a danger that these meetings 
may be made a subtle means for promoting business schemes, just as 
laboratories of industrial research are sometimes regarded rather as a 
subtle means of advertising than as institutions for research. At any 
rate, secrecy for the sake of selfish advancement will never attract 
the hearty cooperation of scientists. Not until business firms are will- 
ing to come into closer contact with psychology will they be able to 
profit from the results which have been yielded by psychological in- 
vestigation. L. R. G. 

From the San Francisco Bulletin, Jan. 18, 191 7, we (|uote the fol- 
lowing lines concerning the plans and work of Dr. Lillien J. Martin, 
former professor of psychology at the Leland Stanford, Jr. University : 
"She was making an interesting experiment She was going to see 
if she could not put her knowledge of the workings of the human 
mind at the service of those whose minds were acting in a way not 
entirely healthy and normal. ♦ * * She believed tibat psychology, 
being at the foundation of all human life, ought to be understood and 
used. A knowledge of its laws would help people to learn how to 
live. * * * 'Every day I am impressed by the need in modem 
life of a confessional conducted along scientific lines.' ♦ ♦ ♦ Many 


of the cases were so baffling that they required on the part of the 
expert a great deal of time and patience. * ♦ ♦ Dr. Martin refers 
to her work as 'personal mental hygiene.' * * * She looks for- 
ward to the time when it will be put on a level in the schools with 
physical hygiene and when the laws now known in regard to memory 
attention, sugp^estion, habit, and fatigue will be made clear to the 
young for their intellectual and emotional p;uidance." 

Dr. William Healy, one of the Gaoperatmff Editors of the Journal 
and at present Director of the Juvenile Psychopathic Institute in Chi- 
cago, is to assume the Directorship of the Judge Baker Foundation 
of the Juvenile Court in Boston, Mass. 

The cause of applied psychology has recently suffered a 
great loss in the sudden death of Professor Hugo Munster- 
berg of Harvard University. While lecturing to a class of 
Radcliff students, on December i6, 1916, he was stricken and 
after a few minutes succumbed without regaining conscious- 
ness. For several years he had been conducting experimental 
investigations in various fields of applied psychology, and 
his public addresses and numerous articles in popular maga- 
zines as well as his books have greatly helped to spread far 
and wide the present interest in psychology and its practical 
applications. One of his last efforts was in behalf of The 
Journal of Applied Psychology, as he had gladly consented 
to become one of its cooperatmg editors. His originality in 
thought, his keen sense for systematic organization of new 
psychological results, his deep philosophical appreciation of 
all scientific advances, and his ability to express in fascinat- 
ing language the newly discovered truths of mental life have 
earned him a position of highest rank in the psychological 

w^^'^- The Editors. 

THE "• ••*.;•:•/•. 


Vol. I JUNE, 1917 No. 2 


By Charlotte G. Garrison, Agnes Burke and Leta S. Holungworth, 
Teachers College, Columbia University 

The pendulum of social and educational interest has swung 
in recent years so far toward the study and treatment of the 
mentally defective that the term " exceptional child " has 
been corrupted from its proper meaning, and has come to be 
popularly used as a euphemistic designation for the mentally 
deficient and neurotic. " Exceptional " properly means devi- 
ating either above or below the average, but ever since science 
has furnished us with the means of determining exceptionality 
in children, it is the undesirable and unprofitable deviate only 
who has claimed the attention of society. 

It is extraordinary that educators have not turned long ago 
to the business of identifying and studying those children 
who deviate from the average in the direction of superiority. 
It is true that Terman,* as early as 1905, was interested in 
precocity, and he has published further work on the subject 
from time to time. In his recent book* he has especially 
stressed the desirability of studying superior children. Stem* 
also expressed an interest in such work, and- a few fragmentary 
accounts have appeared from other authors. It is reported 
that Whipple has recently obtained a special fund for the 
experimental study of the education of gifted children, and 
Elisabeth Irwin, of the Public Education Association, has this 
year been instrumental in organizing a class of such children 
in one of the public schools of New York City. But the fact 
is that superior children have received so little attention as 

^ Terman, L. M. Precocity and Prematuration. Am. Jour. Psych., 


2 Terman, L. M. The Measurement of Intelligence. Houghton, Mif- 
flin Co., New York, 1916. 

8 Stem, W. The Supernormal Child. Jour, of Ed. Psych., 191 1. 



compared wjth de'tecfive children, that parents now feel it as 
an insult whfin *lt*is suggested that their child should be 
"teste(lK\ .;. 

Fi:oni:*fir!ie to time we hear through the newspapers of 

children who are alleged to possess extr^iordinary intellectual 

•, 'lii^^^s and abilities, " Infant prodigies " we call them. Such 

*••: children as William James Sidis and Winifred Stoner are 

• current examples. It is claimed for both of these children 

that their prodigious achievements are the result of special 

systems of education. So far as is known the intelligence of 

such children has not been quantitatively measured. 

Biography gives us stories of juvenile prodigies like J. 
Stuart Mill and Thomas Macauley, who are said to have 
enjoyed the classics in their infancy, and who both lived to 
prove their genius by adult achievement. It is obvious that 
^ it would be of very great educational value if we now had 
V mental measurements of those children who grew up to be 
^ men and women of genius. For example, if we had a scien- 

tific record of the mental status and development of J. Stuart 
'Mill, of Thomas Edison, of Madame Curie, of Abraham Lin- 
coln and of George Eliot up to the age of fifteen years, or if 
we knew the intelligence quotients of all the Nobel prize 
winners at the age of eight years, what guidance for educa- 
tional practice might be contained therein! 

As it is, we know practically nothing of those children who 
have become the intellectual masters of mankind. Were they 
superior children or ordinary children? Or, as is often al- 
leged, were they backward children ? At what age could their 
future possibilities have been predicted by the use of intelli- 
gence tests ? What were their temperamental and moral char- 
acteristics? Were their abilities special or general? Were 
their interests symptomatic of the abilities that they were to 
display? To none of these questions can we give any answer 
at all. If educators should now begin to collect quantitative 
measurements of the intellects of all children who deviate from 
the norm in the direction of decided superiority, we should 
know in fifty or one hundred years from now whether and 
to what extent superiority in childhood is correlated with 
§uperiority ot achievement in adult life. Science has already 
furnished us with a means of identifying exceptional children, 
and of measuring the amount of their exceptionality, so far as 
intelligence is concerned. If science within the next fifty 
years should furnish us with the means of prophesying adult 
achievement on the basis of the child's exceptionality, the 
history of human progress might be modified in ways of which 
we now can but vaguely guess. We should then be able to 


select and cherish human genius without regard to race, sex 
or condition of economic servitude. We should preserve the 
impecunious boy from the dyspepsia or tuberculosis which 
waits upon bad food; we should not then, as now, guide the 
little girl with an intelligence quotient seventy-five per cent 
above the average to the dish pan and the carpet sweeper. 

It is the purpose of this paper to record the psychological 
and physical measurements of a prodigious child and to g^ve 
his personal history. This child is of that degree of excep- 
tional intelligence possessed by but one child in more than a 
million. Thus it seems worth while to make the records 
detailed. There is no fear that such reports will multiply 
beyond reasonable limits, for only a few children of such 
ability are bom in a single generation. 

E is a boy eight years and four months of age. He 

was bom June 17, 1908, and the psychological measurements 
were made on November 4, 1916. The circumstances that led 
to acquaintance with him were as follows. A child of excep- 
tional intelligence was desired for demonstration before a class 
in the psychology and treatment of exceptional children in 
Teachers College, and this child was suggested on account of 
his remarkable school record. The consent of his parents was 
secured and the psychological examination was made before a 
class of about thirty students. These are of course not the 
ideal circumstances under which to perform a mental test for 
scientific record. The presumption would be that the audience 
would tend to reduce the child's performance, so that what- 
ever error there may be from this source would be in the 
direction of making the child appear less exceptional than he 
really is. Of course no one knew beforehand that such a 
phenomenal record was about to be made; for had such an 
unusual result been expected this child would have been kept 
for examination under more favorable laboratory conditions. 

General Intelligence. The Stanford revision of the Binet- 
Simon measuring scale was used for the determination of the 
child's mental level, and the examination was made by Dr. 
' Hollingworth. The examiner began with the " ball-in-the- 
field " test. E responded at once with the superior solu- 
tion, thus giving a preliminary cue to the quality of his mind, 
and the examiner proceeded immediately with the other tests 

at the twelve-year level of intellect. E- passed all of the 

twelve-year tests with facility and ease, giving responses of 
excellent quality. From the twelve-year level the examiner 
then worked forward in all the higher levels through " supe- 
rior adult." This is, of course, a long examination, and in 
view of the actual age of the child it was deemed best to g^ve 


the tests at two separate sittings, when it was seen that he 
would cover the whole upper range of the scale. The exami- 
nation was therefore accomplished in two sittings of about 
fifty minutes each. The final record of E- 
measures on the scale as follows: 

Yrs. Mos. 








:ora oi rj 

snows t 

nai ne 










Superior adult. 





Since his actual age is eight years and four months and his 
mental age is fifteen years and seven months his I.Q. (Intelli- 
gence Quotient) is 187. On the curve of the distribution of 
intellect he stands eleven times the probable error removed 
from the norm, a position occupied by but one child in more 
than a million. He stands as far removed from the average, 
in the direction of superiority, as an idiot stands removed in 
the direction of inferiority. 

An analysis of his performance shows that E has ex- 
traordinary appreciation 5f the exact use of words, and of 
the shades of difference between words. His vocabulary is 
about that of an average adult. He gave correct meanings for 
64 words out of the 100 in the vocabulary test. His vocabu- 
lary thus includes 11,520 words. The score of the average 
adult is 65 words. Thus he just missed scoring on this aver- 
age adult test. Samples of his definitions are as follows: 

scorch — is what happens to a thing when exposed to great heat. 

quake— is a kind of movement, not intended. 

ramble— is a walk taken for pleasure. 

nerve — is a thing you fed by, — for instance, cold. 

majesty— a word used to address a king,— your majesty. 

Mars— is a planet. 

peculiarity — ^is something you do that nobody else does. 

mosaic — is a picture made of many small pieces of marble. 

bewail — ^is to be extremely sorrowful. 

tolerate — ^is to allow others to do what you don't like yourself. 

lotus — is a kind of flower. 

harpy — is a kind of half-bird, half-woman, referred to in Virgil. 

fen — is a kind of marsh. 

laity — is not clergy. 

ambergris— it comes from a whale. 

straw — the stalk of a cereal plant. 

lecture — someone giving a very long talk about something to an audience. 


E also has a prodigious ability for comprehending and 

formulating abstract ideas, and for working with symbols. 
He gave the differences between the abstract concepts under 
" average adult/' test 3, as follows : 

a. Laziness and idleness. Laziness is that you don't want to work; 

idleness is you canX for a while. 

b. Evolution and revolution: Evolution is making things from the 

b^^inning; revolutkm is changing them. 

c. Poverty and misery: Poverty is when you don't have anything; 

misery is how you feel when someone insults you. 

d. Character and reputation: Character is what he really is; repu- 

tation is what they think he is. 

He succeeded in reversing the clock hands three times with- 
out any error, in less than a minute for each trial. He was 
able to reproduce the thought from the selection beginning 
" Many opinions have been given about the value of life," as 
well as a superior adult. He solved the three mental arith- 
metic problems under XIV, 5 in less than a minute each, 
absolutely without error. These performances serve to illus- 
trate his precocious power over symbols and over abstractions. 
His attention, concentration and capacity for sustained effort 
are illustrated by the fact that he was able to repeat five digits 
backwards twice out of three trials absolutely without error, 
before a class of thirty adults. His memory span for digits 
repeated forwards is at least 8. (He was not tried with more 
than 8 digits.) 

During the examination he showed neither embarrassment 
nor any tendency to "show off." He was alert, interested, 
and gave his attention strictly to the business in hand. He 
always knew when he hid failed on a test, and gave up with 
great reluctance. For example, he was unable to solve the 
problems under XVIII, 6, in the time allotted; but he carried 
these data away in his head, and held to them tenaciously till 
he had solved the problems. In several instances after he 
had g^ven his reply he recast it in better form. In short, he 
exemplified in remarkable degree all of the characteristics 
which Binet finally chose as symptomatic of intellectual power, 
1. e, (1) the ability to take and maintain a given direction; 
(2) the capacity to make adaptations for the purpose of ob- 
taining a desired end; and (3) the power of auto-criticism. 

Special Tests, Following the procedure described by Sea- 
shore, and using the set of forks recommended by him, E— — 
was tested for pitch discrimination, being g^ven seven trials 
with the whole series of forks. His record was as follows, 
# meaning a correct answer and — meaning a false one. 



Vibration differences 



Series 30 23 17 12 

1 m m » fn 

2 » m — m 

3 m M M M 

4 i» m m i» 

5 i» M m m 

6 m * m m 

7 m M M » 

His threshold for pitch discrimination would thus seem to be 
not greater than five vibrations, and would probably be found 
to be as low as three if a more complete test were possible. 
This is a very good record, according to Seashore's standards. 

E gave free associations to the first 50 words of the 

Kent-Rosanoff list of words, both stimulus words and re- 
sponses being oral. The stimulus words and responses follow. 















































































































































At once after giving some of these responses he explained 
why he had g^ven them. Thus he explained that "carpet- 
bagger" had to do "with Civil War history." After giving 
" ^ef " in response to " mutton " he smiled and said, " That's 
a joke, isn't it?" When asked why he thought it a joke he 
replied that he thought very few people would give that an- 
swer. After the test he was told that 97 people in a thousand 
gave " beef " in response to " mutton " and he at once said, 
" Ten per cent, that's not so very many." 

It was impossible for lack of time to give the complete list 
of 100 words, usually given in this test. Using the 50 as a 
basis of calculation, /8% of the responses are "conunon re- 
sponses " in the Kent-Rosanoff sense of the word, a number 


of common responses which children do not usually show 
until after the age of 10 years. His " median of community " 
(a measure not yet standardized for age levels) is 1.4%. 

He was given the Pintner form of the Knox Cube test, and 
achieved 11 of the 12 lines arranged by Pintner. The average 
record for the 16 year old is only 8 lines, and this is the high- 
est level for which the test is yet standardized. 

The usual Tapping Test was given, tapping continuously 
with the right hand, with the stylus, for one minute. The 
record was 239 taps only, which is lower than the average 
8 year old record. 

Given three minutes in which to make up words out of the 
letters a-e-i-r-1-p, he made the following, — a, rip, pie, lie, ale. 

He was given thirty minutes in which to put together the 
pieces in the Stenquist Construction Box H, and was not able 
to put any of the pieces together. He began at one end of 
the box, examined each set of materials in turn, tried to put 
them together in an indiscriminate way, put them back and 
went on to the next set of materials. He remarked, " I don't 
seem able to put any of them together. It seems that all I can 
do is to find out what each of the things is for." He recog- 
nized that various sets of pieces were "a mouse trap," "a 
lock," " a bell," etc., but made a zero score from the point of 
view of construction. At the end of twenty minutes he gave 
up and turned away from the materials. 

It is interesting to compare the child's recoi:d in construc- 
tion tests, and his comments regarding these tests, with his 

school record in industrial arts and fine arts. E receives 

the best possible rating in industrial arts because he has 
keen insight into processes, and can explain how to construct a 
mechanism or perform an operation clearly and minutely, 
though he is unable to carry out his own instructions. For 
instance, he can tell exactly how to make a boat, but cannot 
make the boat himself. There is thus an interesting distinc- 
tion here between "constructive ability" and "manual dex- 
terity." Similarly, in fine arts E has many ideas for 

decorative schemes, but he is unable to execute these ideas 
with his hands. 

Developmental History.* E was the fourth child, three 

girls having been bom before him, all having died. Birth 
was difficult. He was bottle fed. His parents were both 

^ The developmental history and history of personal health were 
elicited from the mother, who, being a physician, is especially com- 
petent to speak on these points. The family history, and the facts 
respecting his extra-school linguistic achievements were also given 
by the mother. 


in middle life at the time of his birth. He cut his first tooth 
at eight months, — ^a lateral incisor. He walked at thirteen 

months. Up to two years of age E did not say a word. 

He then began to talk, and before he was three years old was 
able to read such books as " Peter Rabbit." Conversation with 
him was carried on in German^ French, Italian and English 
equally. When he did begin to talk he could say all the words 
he knew in these four languages. His health has been excep- 
tionally good from infancy. He has had no disorders or 
diseases except measles, and an occasional attack of indiges- 
tion. He is exceptionally free from colds. 

Age, 8 yre. 
E — 4 mos., 

Physical MeasuremetUs Oct 30, 1916 average 

Weigit 89.31b8. 70.51bs. 

Hd^t 54.3 in. 54.3 in.» 

Girth of chest 31.8 in. 25.6 in. 

Girth of chest, expanded 32.4 in. 26.8 in. 

Lung capacity 100.0 cu. in. 112.0 cu. in. 

Str^gth, rirfit forearm 30.9 lbs. 39.7 lbs. 

Strength, left forearm 22.0 lbs. 37.5 lbs. 

♦ These averages are for a boy of this age and height. The average 
height for a boy of 8 yrs. 4 mos. is 49.7 indues. The measurements are 
transcribed from the gymnasium records of the school where E — attends. 

It will thus be seen that E is considerably larger than 

the average boy of his age. He has clear, well-molded fea- 
tures. The child does not like physical exercise of any kind, 
but has had special attention along this line, such as lessons 
in swimming, dancing and horseback riding. He sleeps eleven 
hours, and goes to sleep immediately upon going to bed. 

School Achievement. E went to kindergarten from 

the age of three years to the age of five years. From five to 
six he was out of school on account of school organization (he 
could not be accepted in the first grade), l^rom six to seven 
years of age he attended an open air, ungraded school,, and 
did the work of the second to the fourth grades. From 
seven to eight years he was in the fourth grade in regular 
school classes, and at present, at the age of eight years, he is 
in the sixth grade. He is thus three full years accelerated in 
school grading, according to the age-grade norms, but is still 
three years retarded in school grading according to his mental 
age. (Terman makes special note of the fact that superior 
children are almost invariably retarded in school grading ac- 
cording to mental age.) His mother states that under private 

tutors E has covered the work of the seventh grade and 

nearly all the work of the eighth grade. His school standing 


on his last report was as follows. The highest attainable rating 
is 1 ; the lowest, 4. 

Court&y 1 Composition 2 Penmanship 3 

Promptness 1 Grammar or Industrial Arts 1* 

System 1 Language 2 Fine Arts 4* 

Spelling ,.2 Mathematics 3* Music 2 

Reading or Geography 1 Physical Ed 4 

Literature 1 History 1 Science 1 

♦In industrial arts credit is given for knowing industrial processes, 
as well as for ability to carry out the processes, whereas in fine arts credit 
is given for manual dextenty only. Private tutors grade E — as 1 in 

In addition to his regular school work the child has covered 
the following special work in language and mathematics, either 
with a tutor or with his mother: Geometry; algebra, as far 
as equations; Latin, partial knowledge of the four declen- 
sions, (he has been taught by the direct, informal method, 
and reads easy Latin) ; Greek, — worked out the alphabet for 
himself from an astronomical chart, between the ages of five 
and six years ; French, equal to about two years in the ordinary 
school; German, ordinary conversation; Spanish, attended 
class with his mother, — reads and understands; Italian, read- 
ing knowledge, simple conversation; Portugese, asked his 
mother to take this language at the Columbia summer school 
because he could not be registered himself ; Hebrew, a begin- 
ning ; Anglo-Saxon, a beginning. In Astronomy he has worked 
out all the constellations from MacCready, and displays a 
very great interest in this subject. One evening this winter 
he noticed a new planet near the Twins. He said it was Saturn, 

but his mother thought it was Mars. E went home, 

worked the position out from the chart, and found it to be 
Saturn. He has a great interest in nature wherever found, 
and is already able to use Apgar intelligently. His writing is 
not equal to his other accomplishments. He is very slow at it 
and for this reason dictates most of his " home work " to a 
stenographer. History is his chief and absorbing interest 
among school subjects. 

Social Habits, Tastes, etc, E does not care to play, 

and would never do so unless forced. He is very impersonal 
and agreeable in his attitude toward other children. His chief 
diversion is reading and his favorite book at present is Ivan- 
hoe, He has no hobbies. In the spring of 1916, after careful 
and thoughtful preparation, he joined the Episcopal church. 
His desire is to be a minister and become ai missionary. When 
asked what he would consider the most fun in life he replied, 


" To have statistics of my imaginary- country." This country 
is on Venus. It is inhabited by people and has a navy like 

ours. E does not volunteer much information about his 

interests. All of these items had to be elicited by questioning. 

Family History. Father: College graduate. Produced a 
Latin play, which was given in a Boston theatre, while still 
an undergraduate. Since graduation has maintained a keen 
interest in educational matters. Organized a special library 
of insurance in Boston, which is now used as a reference 
library all over the world. Is at present engaged in business. 
Has written many books. Is a university lecturer on insur- 
ance. Has served on many important city commissions. 

Mother: Holds the following degrees : A.B., Boston Uni- 
versity; A.M., New York University; M.D., Medical College 
(now merged with Cornell) ; LL.B., New York University 
Law School. Post-graduate study, Johns Hopkins one year 
and Germany six years. Special study in bacteriology and 
pathology in Germany and Paris. Has done research for 
Rockefeller Institute in bacteriology of milk, and has pub- 
lished notable research in this field. Publication awarded a 
medal at the St. Louis Exposition. Sent as a delegate to medi- 
cal congresses in Rome and Moscow. 

In the present state of our knowledge, no prognosis as to 
the future achievements of such an exceptional child can be 
advanced on a scientific basis. The data here collected are 
of significance in that they show how far it is possible for a 
child to vary from the norm in the direction of superior intel- 
ligence. They also suggest the value of studying the psychol- 
ogy of precocious children, so that we may advance our science 
to a point where we shall be able to prognosticate concern- 
ing them. 


By Robert M. Yerkes 

Ladies and Gentlemen: I have several important reasons 
for wishing to discuss this particular methodological aspect of 
psychology at this time and in this institution. Human engin- 
eering on the basis of mental measurement is progressing so 
rapidly that we have cause to doubt the adequacy of our 
methods. We face the fact of the almost universal applica- 
tion of such methods of measuring intelligence as the Binet 
and Point Scales, yet these measuring instruments are ex- 
tremely crude and at the same time obviously improvable. It 
is equally our duty and our opportunity to so modify or replace 
them that our results shall steadily increase in accuracy and 
reliability. As it happens the three men who have done most 
to adapt the Binet scale to American needs and to improve it — 
Kuhlmann, Goddard, and Terman — as students in this institu- 
tion have enjoyed the privilege of working under the guidance 
of the foremost of genetic psychologists. 

The profound significance of natural science for civilization 
is no longer seriously questioned. The world war has con- 
vinced us, on the one hand, that the physical sciences are far 
in advance of the biological and social sciences, and on the 
other hand, that there is imperative need of systematic atten- 
tion to the latter group of sciences. Many of us are wholly 
convinced that the future of mankind depends in no small 
measure upon the development of the various biological and 
social sciences. Among these physiology, psychology, and 
sociology are preeminently important. We must, I submit, if 
we arc adequately to meet after-war demands and improve the 
opportunities which will then be offered us, strive unceasingly 
for the improvement of our methods of mental measurement, 
for there is no longer ground for doubt concerning the prac- 
tical as well as the theoretical importance of studies of human 

^ Read by invitation of President G. Stanley Hall before his Psycho- 
logical Seminary, March 19, 1917. 

Being Psychopathic Hospital G>ntributions Whole Number 171 

! 1917-5)* The previous contribution was by Rose S. Hardwick 
1917^), cntiticd "The Weighting of Point Scale Tests." To be pub- 
lisned m Journal of Educational Psychology, 


behavior. We must leam to measure skilfully every form and 
aspect of behavior which has psychological and sociological 
significance. Such arc a few of my reasons for wishing to 
compare critically the two most prominent methods of measur- 
ing intelligence. 

These methods are too well known to demand historical in- 
troduction. Although each is at present widely used, they 
differ radically in principle and might reasonably be expected 
to yield strikingly different results. Measurements of intel- 
lectual forms and aspects of behavior are of two principal 
y sorts: (1) the scale or group-test procedure, and (2) the single 
or specific functional measurement. Both the Binet and the 
Point Scale are groups of tests. It is essential for us, at the 
beginning of this discussion, to note that for scientific purposes 
the ideal method of measuring behavior is the specific func- 
tional test. Scales are technological tools which have been 
devised to satisfy certain practical demands. The inevitable 
direction of development in our mental measuring is toward 
</^the graded, standardized, highly accurate, specific test or 
method. Groups of tests or, as it is convenient to call them, 
scales, are likely to persist and multiply because they will con- 
tinue in increasing measure to meet important human needs. 

But even now we may appropriately ask, should both the 
Binet and the Point Scale methods be further developed and 
improved, should the one or the other be wholly abandoned, 
should both be given up and in their place a new type of scale 
embodying perhaps the best principles of each be created, or, as 
yet another possibility, should the grouping of tests be aban- 
doned and recourse be had to highly developed single func- 
tional tests? 

At the risk of seeming to reverse logical procedure, I wish 
at once to suggest my tentative answer to these questions, for 
after all, this discussion may be endured only for the sake of 
the conclusions. I believe, in the first place, that scales or 
^ groups of tests can not well be dispensed with. I further be- 
lieve that we should concentrate our efforts on the develop- 
ment of reliable methods of measuring the various types and 
aspects of practically significant human behavior. In order to 
fulfill the conditions which these two conclusions impose upon 
us, I wish to suggest the desirability and the feasibility of 
developing a scale for the measurement of intelligence which 
shall at once combine the safe and serviceable principles of the 
Binet and Point Systems and improve upon them. This new 
scale should take account alike of the qualitative and quanti- 
tative aspects of behavior. It should consist of carefully 
selected and graded tests. It should be standardized in such 



wise that its constituent parts might be used independently, 
thus serving the purpose of specific functional tests. It should 
be possible to embody in a single scale all the advantages of 
existing methods of measuring intelligence, and even to add to 

There are those who insist that the Binet and Point Scales 
are not essentially different. It has even been said, carelessly, 
that the latter is merely a revision of the former method. Such 
statements are surprising indeed in view of the facts to which 
I must now call your attention. 

Careful analysis of the two scales indicate that they differ 
more or less radically on three f imdamentally important points : 
( 1 ) the method of selecting or choosing their constituent parts 
(tests of intelligence) ; (2) the method of standardizing their 
tests or combinations of tests; and (3) the method of measur- 
ing and expressing the subject's response. 


Method of Selecting Tests 

The various tests or methods which make up the Binet scale 
are selected in accordance with the number of successes or fail- 
ures at various ages. If a particular test is passed by a certain 
percentage of individuals at eight years of age, by a lower per- 
centage at seven years, and a higher percentage at nine years, 
It is, other things being equal, deemed suitable for the eight- 
year group. It thus appears that tests are chosen in the light 
of success or failure and arranged in age groups. This method 
apparently rests upon the assumption that important forms of 
behavior appear at various times during infancy, childhood, 
and adolescence. By contrast, the methods which constitute 
.the Point Scale are chosen from the standpoint of functions to 
r be measured, and without regard to their particular relations 
to the stages of human development. It is assumed in the 
construction of the Point Scale that all of the important types 
of intellectual function are present in early childhood and de- 
velop more or less rapidly. If this be true, tests or measures 
for all fundamental forms of intellectual behavior should be 
available no matter what the age of the subject. Briefly put, 
I the Binet is an age-scale based upon the assumption of appear- 
I ing functions; the Point Scale is a functional scale, based upon 
I the assumption of developing functions. 

Genetic psychology justifies the statement that all important 
types or classes of intelligent behavior are represented in the 
human action system by the end of the third year -of postnatal 
life. Thereafter new acts belonging to the same types continue 
to appear for some years and all tend to become complexly re- 
lated to one another and to innate reactive tendencies. 


As one result of the heterogeneity of tests within the Binet 
scale groups, the measurements made on individuals of differ- 
ent ages are not strictly comparable, for the obvious reason 
that different forms or aspects of behavior have been meas- 
ured in the two cases. In support of this statement, I need 
only contrast the tests which make up the five-year and eight- 
year Stanford-Binet groups. In the five-year, there appear 
(1) comparison of weights; (2) naming of colors; (3) aes- 
thetic comparison; (4) definition by use, or better; (5) pa- 
tience, or divided rectangle; (6) three commissions. The 
eight-year group consists of (1) the ball and field test; (2) 
counting backward, 20-0; (3) comprehension of questions; 
(4) giving similarities of two things; (5) definition superior 
to use; (6) vocabulary. Even the most enthusiastic believer 
in the Binet scale and method cannot hope to maintain the 
thesis that at each or even at any two ages precisely the same 
forms or aspects of human behavior are measured. In the 

I Point Scale, it is the ideal, thus far only partially realized, to 
measure the same and the most fundamental features of be- 
havior at every age, and thus to obtain strictly comparable 
results from year to year. 

Method of Standardization 

V The Binet Scale is internally standardized ; the Point Scale, 
/ externally. For the former method, the process of selecting 

tests according to percentage of passes and of grouping them 
according to age constitutes standardization. The result of 
this method of selecting and standardizing tests is an inflex - 
ible scale, which, however, accurate it may be for the"^ race, 
social stratum, or sex, for which it was constructed, cannot 
possibly yield reliable results when applied to widely differing 

V groups of individuals. For this reason an internally standard- 
^ ized method of measuring behavior is defective. 

The Point Scale may be described as externally standardized 
because the selection and arrangement of the tests have noth- 
ing to do with the norms which as standards of judgment are 
used in the evaluation of results. With the application of the 
Point Scale to increasing numbers of individuals, the norms, 
whether for age, sex, race, educational or social status, become 
increasingly numerous and reliable, and the value of the 
method correspondingly increases. In order to use the Point 
Scale profitably for a new race, or social group, it is necessary 
only to make a sufficient nimiber of examinations to yield re- 
liable norms. They immediately become standards of judg- 
ment. The method does not have to be revised. Thus it is 


/ evident that where the Binet Scale is inflexible, the Point 
Scale is flexible and universally applicable. 

Method of Measuring and Expressing Response 

The third fundamental difference mentioned above appears 
in the method of measuring and expressing reaction. The 
Binet Scale supplies judgments of success or failure. These 
have been described as all-or-none judgments. From the scien- 
tific point of view, they are biit rough approximations to the 
desired and desirable measurement, since they are rather the 
forerunners of quantitative statements than themselves quan- 
titative. In the Point Scale, judgments are of the mope-or- less 
SjDTt. In other words, there is not a judgment ot "pass" or 
'Tail," but instead, there is awarded a particular amount of 
credit, which supposedly varies in correspondence with the 
character or amount of response. The Binet measurement is 
neither qualitative nor quantitative, but marks the transition. 
The point-scale measurement is distinctly quantitative. But 
in so far as the ideal of point-scale construction is achieved, 
the method takes account of qualitative as well as quantitative 
differences in response. The importance of this contrast in the 
methods which we are considering has, I think, been fully 
appreciated by very few critics. It is, in fact, the difference 
between a relatively unscientific procedure and one which is 
striving to fulfill the essential requirements of scientific 

There is, moreover, a profoundly important corollary. The 
type of measurement which the Binet Scale yields is amen- 
dable to statistical treatment only in a very restricted way. 
Thus the mean or standard deviation, the probable error of 
mean or deviation, the co-efficient of correlation with its prob- 
able error either cannot be obtained at all for Binet judgments 
or are of slight value because of the non-quantitative character 
of the judgments. By contrast, point-scale measurements can 
t^4)e statistically treated in all the varied and biologically signi- 
ficant ways. In m^ opinion, it is primarily because of this 
merit, that the Pomt Scale has gained so rapidly its wide 
recognition and use. The advantage which it has, from the 
statistical standpoint, over the Binet method is tremendous, 
and only those persons who are imfamiliar with the essentials 
of scientific method or incapable of appreciating the value of 
statistical data fail to note and respond to this difference. 
The Point Scale because of this characteristic is at once a 
technological tool and an instrument of research. The Binet 
Scale is technologically useful, but possesses little research 



Weighting of Tests 

It has been objected by some critics, that the point-scale 
system is unsatisfactory because the various tests are weighted 
in the light of no definite scientific principle. This adverse 
criticism I accept as valid, but in fairness it must be pointed 
out that it applies with equal force to every other scale whose 
several measurements are averaged or in any other way com- 
bined. Thus, for example, the Binet Scale gives equal weight 
to all the tests of a given age group, despite the fact that they 
may be concerned with utterly different modes or aspects of 
response whose practical importance in the individual's life 
must vaiy extremely at any given time as well as with age and 
the correlation of which with general intelligence is known to 
vary greatly. I submit, not in defense of the point-scale pro- 
cedure but merely in fairness to it, that the Binet Scale is 
quite as much in need of a sound and systematically applied 
principle of weighting as is the Point Scale. 

But ground for defense is not utterly lacking. The point- 
scale tests were not weighted in haphazard fashion. Instead, 
varied experience in actual examining, coefficients of correla- 
tion with general intelligence and of one type of measure- 
ment with another were considered and the weightings appor- 
tioned as carefully as was possible in the absence of any single 
and obviously satisfactory principle. The principle which 
we propose to apply in the further development and perfect- 
ing of the point-scale system is that of weighting in corre- 
spondence with the correlation of a particular measurement 
with general intelligence, or rather with the point-scale score.* 
The higher the coefficient of correlation, the greater the credit 
for a particular test. This principle we are trying out. If it 
stands our tests, we shall have met our critics squarely, and 
at the same time shall have gone beyond the Binet Scale in 
regard to scientific qualifications. 

Chronological Versus Physiological Age 

Yet another important consideration remains to be men- 
tioned before an attempt is made to sum up the contrasting 
characteristics of the two methods. The use of chronological 
age in connection with mental age as a basis for the statement 
of individual status is scientifically without justification. The 
rapidity of growth and of the maturing of organic structures 
and functions varies greatly for races, for individuals, for the 
sexes, for diverse conditions of nutrition and of health. It 

2 Hardwick, R. S. The weighting of point scale tests. (To appear 
in Journal of Educational Psychology.) 



is consequently unsafe to compare the status or the achieve- 
ment of two individuals on the basis of their years, months, 
or days of postnatal existence. That psychologists will ulti- 

lately be forced to admit this fact and to abandon or modify 
their use of chronological age and of mental age in connec- 
tion with measurements of intelligence is my conviction. 
Physiological age should be determined and with it the varied 
results of measurement should be compared or correlated. 
This means that in case of each examination there should be 
stated not only the chronological age of the individual but also 
the physiological age as indicated by carefully chosen meas- 
urements of status of the organism and of functional capacity, 
and finally, the specific results of varied mental measurements 
in comparison with the expected results or norms for the 
appropriate physiological age. 

By way of summary, the significant points of contrast be- 
tween the Binet and the Point systems are exhibited in parallel 

Binet Characteristics Point Scale Characteristics 

(1) Multiple-group, age or year scale Single graded-test scale 

(2) Selection by relatioQ of successes Sdecticm by function measured 

to age 

(3) Varied, unrelated, ungraded tests Each test so ^ded as to be avail- 

able for wide range of ages 

(4) Internally standardized and in- Externally standardized and flex- 

flexible ible 

(5) All-or-none judgments McM'e-or-less judgments 

(6) Qualitative Quantitative 

(7) Measurements only slightly Measurements wholly amenable 

amenable to statistical treat- to statistical treatment 

(8) Tests weighted equally Tests weighted unequally 

(9) Implicit assumption, that of ap- Implicit assumption, that of de-~ 

pearing functions veloping functions 

(10) Measurements for different ages Measurements for different ages 
relatively incomparable relatively comparable 

The foregoing discussion has been based wholly upon the 
latest and most improved form of the Binet method, — the 
Stanford revision, and upon what the writer knows to be the 
ideals in point-scale construction rather than the actual achieve- 
ments as visible to those who know only the original or pre- 
adolescent Point Scale described in "A Point Scale for Meas- 
uring Mental Ability." All earlier forms of the Binet method 
are neglected because their imperfections are more numerous 
and more serious than those of the Stanford Scale. It may 
therefore be assumed that such criticisms as are applicable to 
the latter apply with at least equal force to the former. On 


the other hand, it must be emphasized that the claims which 
I make for the point-scale system are not wholly justified by 
the present status of the method. I have ventured to draw 
the contrast sharply because of my belief that they will be 
justified by the results of work on the method which is now 
well advanced at the Psychopathic Hospital, Boston. 

In one respect the Stanford revision appears to be especially 
weak. It includes a number of tests (vocabulary, fables, 
arithmetical reasoning, and definitions, for example), which 
a re highly dependent upo p educatio n. Were it not for this 
f jPCt, which shortly becomes apparent to any experienced psy- 
chological examiner who attempts to use the method, Terman's 
extension of the scale by the addition of tests for adolescents 
and adults would be a very great advantage. 

Analysis of the Stanford-Binet Scale 

In connection with this comparison of the two systems of 
measurement, I have attempted to analyze the Stanford re- 

) vision of the Binet Scale from the points of view of functions 
measured and the distribution of measurements among the 
various age groups. In all, ni nety tes ts appear in the Stanford 
scale. Of these, seventy-four 'make up the twelve age groups, 
while sixteen stand as alternates. There are fifty-five different 
tests, that is, tests so obviously different in constitution and 
mode of response demanded that they may not be grouped as 
equivalents. These may further be reduced to the following 
twenty-five functional groups on the basis of similarity of 
responses measured. 

Stanford-Binet Tests Grouped According to Similarity of 
Responses Measured 

1. Recognizing and naming objects: naming objects, stating sex, stat- 

ing name, naming colors, stating age, naming coins, naming days 
otweek, naming months of year, morning or afternoon, indicating 
right and left. 

2. Response to pictures. 

3. Memory for: syllables, sentences, digits forward and backward, de- 

signs, ideas. 

4. Discrimination and comparison of lines, weights, forms. 

5. Counting objects and fingers. 

6. Counting backwards. 

7. Copying gecmietrical forms. 

8. Qnnprehension of questions. 

9. Aesthetic judgment. 

10. Defining terms. 

11. Patience and form board. 

12. Executing commands. 

13. Discovery of missing parts. 

14. Tying bow-knot. 


15. Giving diflferences or similarities. 

16. BaU and field. . 

17. Vocabulary. 

18. Dictation. 

19. Mathematical reasoning: making change, value of stamps, box prob- 

lem, ingenuity test 

20. Sentence construction: three words in sentence, dissected sentences. 

21. Visual imagination: clock test, Binet paper cutting, rhymes, absurdi- 


22. Fables. 

23. Induction test. 

24. Code. 

25. Free assodation. 

Now it might be supposed, prior to examination, that some 
sort of test for a particular variety of response would appear 
in each age group, but this is not the case. Instead, the con- 
structors of the scale seem to have systematically avoided 
not only repetition of a particular test, but even in the main, 
its repetition in increasingly difficult form. Thus, for ex- 
ample, the well-known Binet test of response to pictures by 
enumeration, description, or interpretation, appears in the age 
groups three, seven, and twelve. It does not appear in any 
of the others nor is there any test which is strictly com- 
parable with it in any one of the remaining nine groups of 
tests. The definition test which, if it has any practical value, 
might be supposed to be equally serviceable for all ages, is 
used for the ages five, eight, twelve and sixteen, and for 
those alone. Why for these particular ages instead of for 
any other or others between three years and intellectual 
maturity is difficult to imagine. Or again, the Stanford test, 
new to the Binet system, of repeating digits backward appears 
as an alternate for age seven and as a regular test for ages 
nine, twelve, sixteen and eighteen. Why, the critical psychol- 
ogist may well ask, is it not equally serviceable for the ages 
ten and fourteen? And why, if one chooses to carry this sort 
of question to its logical conclusion, should not the test be 
used for aH ages from the early stages of linguistic develop- 
ment to intellectual maturity? 

As we follow through the list of fifty odd tests which make 
up this measuring scale, we observe that the number of groups 
in which a particular test appears tends to diminish. The 
infantile or childhood tests are many of them repeated in two, 
three, or even as many as five or six age-groups. But the 
test? of more complicated or more mature t)rpes of response 
tend, as the accompanying table shows, to be used in only a 
single group. The only striking exception to this rule is the 
vocabulary test, which finds place under the ages eight, ten, 
twelve, fourteen, sixteen, and eighteen years. 


List and Distribution of Stanford-Binet Tests 

Name of Test 

Groups in Which Test Appears 

Indicating parts of body. 
Naming objects. 


Response to pictures. 

111,3; VII,2; XII,7. 

Stating sex. 


Stating name. 


Repeating syllables, 
Repeating mgits forward 

III.6;; VI,6; X,al2; XVI,al.l. 

III,al.; IV.6; VII.3; X,al.l; XIV,al.; XVIII.3, 

Repeating digits backward 

, VII,al.2; IX,4; XII,6; XVI,5; XVIII,5. 

Comparing lines. 


Comparing weights. 


Discriminating forms. 


Counting pennies. 

IV.3: VI,3. 

Copying gecmietncal forms, IV,4; VII,a 

Comprdiending questions, 

IV,5; VI,4; VIII,3; X,5; XVI,al.2. 

Nanun^ colors. 


Aesthetic judgment. 

V'3- ^ o 

Defining terms. 

V,4; VIII,5; XII,2; XVI,3. 



Executuig command. 


Stating age. 


Indicating right and left, 


Nfissing parts. 


Naming coins. 

VI,5; VIII,al.l. 

Morning or afternoon, 

Number of fingers. 


Tying bow knot. 


Giving differences. 

VII,5; XIV,3. 

Naming days of week. 


BaU and field. 

VIII,1; XII.3. 

Counting backwards. 


Giving similarities. 

VIII,4; XII,8. 


VIII,6; X,l; XII,1; XIV,1; XVI,1; XVIII.l. 



Giving date. 


Arranging weis^ts, 
Making oiange. 


Three words m sentence. 




Months of year. 


Value of stamps. 




Memory for designs, 


Reading and report. 


Free association. 


Form board. 

XII 4. 

Dissected sentences. 


XII,5; XVI,2. 

Inductkm test. 


President and king (included 

under giving difference). 
Problems of met (included 

under comprdienskm of 

Mathematical reasoning, XIV,5. 
Qock test, XIV,6. 


List and Distribution of Stanford-Binet Tests— Cbn/imierf 

Nanu of Test Groups in Which Test Appears 

Box problem. XVI,4. 

Code test. XVI.6. 

Binet's paper cutting. XVIII,2. 

Memory for passage. XVIII.4. 

Ingoiuity test. XVIII.6. 

This analysis of the Stanford scale serves two purposes, — 
first, it exhibits the haphazardness of distribution of a given 
test, the lack of any scientific principle, so far as the placing 
of a test in particular groups is concerned; and second, it 
r^indicates the entire absence of the functional principle in the 
selection of tests for a particular group. 

In view of these characteristics of the Stanford scale, it 
seems pertinent still further to emphasize the idea of grada- 
tion within a given test or measure of behavior. Assuming, 
as genetic studies certainly warrant us in doing, that the funda- 
mental forms of behavior are present by the end of the third 
year in their initial stages, it seems logical and scientifically 

I necessary to argue that we should devise methods of measur- 
ing these forms of behavior as they develop, and that the most 
natural and most feasible way to do this is to select a method 
which can be applied, according to a gradation scheme, to 
all stages of development. For example, the test of repeating 
digits may be increased in difficultness without end. It may 
be applied alike to the child of three and the intellectually 
mature individual. It may be graded almost perfectly by 
the addition of single digits. The initial form of the test 
may require merely the repetition of a digit after the examiner. 
The most difficult form may, instead, require the repetition 
of ten digits. Or, the test of response to pictures may be so 
devised and developed as to be clearly applicable from early 
childhood to maturity. It needs only a number of carefully 
selected pictures arranged according to difficultness of descrip- 
tion and interpretation. The child of three years may be 
required merely to indicate certain objects in the pictures, as 
named by the examiner. The child of four may be required, 
instead, to name these same objects. Still later, more com- 
plete enumeration of the constituents of the pictures may be 
expected ; then description, and interpretation increasingly full 
and exact with increasing age. Finally, there would be re- 
quired, as an adequate form of response, correct interpreta- 
tion and fair to excellent description. 

While it may not be assumed that precisely the same forms 
or aspects of behavior are measured by this test throughout 
its age range, it is at least evident that more nearly com- 


parable results may be obtained by using the same materials 
for different ages than by using diverse and heterogeneous 
materials and procedures. 

Neither the Point Scale nor the Binet Scale is perfect or 
ever will be. But from their ashes may arise a new scale 
infinitely superior to anything Binet or any of his successors 
* have imagined. I believe that the method of graded tests 
J whose indices of correlation with one another and with varied 
\| measures of efficiency in living are definitely known, will 
steadily gain ground; that the gradation as gradually per- 
fected will lead to increasingly accurate standardization; that 
there will acciunulate reliable and varied norms for the guid- 
ance of the inexperienced examiner; and that shortly our 
scales for mental measurement will consist of independently 
graded and standardized tests which can be used either alone 
for the measurement of particular response or in such groups 
as need dictates. 
V The next step forward I imagine as a scale in which vertical 
I instead of horizontal divisions will indicate age lines. It will 
consist of a score or two of thoroughly proved and approved 
methods of measurement, each so devised that it may be 
applied at any stage of development Were there twelve steps 
or grades of difficultness in each test, then the examiner would 
begin with the first grade for the three-year-old ; with the fifth 
grade for the eight-year-old; with the ninth grade for the 
twelve-year-old. Not the scale, but its constituent part, the 
test, would be marked for convenience of use by age lines. 
The lines consequently would be vertical instead of horizontal ! 


By James Burt Miner, Carnegie Institute of Technology 

Estimating abilities may be merely skirmishing in research, 
but the attack of the main army is often wisely or foolishly 
directed as a result of the skirmish. The technique of esti- 
mating accordingly assumes an essential place in psychologi- 
cal procedure. Any improvement in the discrimination or 
reliability of estimates promises to meet urgent needs, not 
only in the employment office but whenever questions of ad- 
mission or promotions are considered in the school room, the 
store, the factory, or the business office. 

Our immediate problem was connected with the employ- 
ment office at the Carnegie Institute of Technology, which 
recommends students and graduates for positions ranging from 
civil engineer to actress, from plumber to musician, from 
architect to teacher. Can the scholarship records be supple- 
mented by sufficiently reliable and significant ratings of per- 
sonal traits to be of use in recommending these young people 
for work? 

Beginning with the problem of estimating the traits of those 
about to graduate from the institution, we were at once con- 
fronted by the fact that all the seniors were not intimately 
enough known by one person to make it possible to have an 
order of merit for the whole class in a college arranged by 
the same person. This is a frequent problem in estimation. 
Thomdike has attacked it by a method of combining the 
judgments of numerous judges.* His method, however, re- 
quires that each individual in the final order of merit be com- 
pared by several judges with those on either side of him, a 
condition we could not fulfill. 

We hoped to obtain sufficient accuracy by assuming that 
the average senior class in the various courses within the same 
school had roughly the same distribution of ability. On this 
assumption ^ single order of merit might be obtained for the 

^ Substantially as read before the American Psychological Associa- 
tion, December, 1916. 

2 E. L. Thomdflce. The Technique of Combining Incomplete Judg- 
ments of the Relative Position of N Facts by N Judges. /. of Phil, 
Psychol, etc., 1916, vol. 13, 197-203. 

124 MINER 

seniors of each school, provided that some systematic method 
of grading could be discovered which would be used in ap- 
proximately the same way by the different judges. 

The method which we tried out is indicated by the sample 
rating blank shown in Fig. 1. At least four of these blanks 
were prepared for each student in the senior classes and they 
were sent to members of the faculty who were supposed by 
the administrative officers to be best acquainted with the par- 
ticular students. Three out of the four had come in contact 
with the students in either the laboratory or shop, which 
afforded them a better opportunity for judgment than is pos- 
sible in many institutions. The fourth judge was a teacher 
in one of the academic subjects. In order that no member 
of the faculty should be burdened we limited the niunber of 
students to be graded by any one instructor to about a dozen. 
About 70 judges graded sub-groups of the 140 seniors. 

One feature of the method consisted in grading the person 
by means of a dot placed on a line. This plan of placing a 
dot on a line was found in a blank prepared by the B. F. 
Clark Teachers Agency of Chicago. A somewhat similar 
plan with five divisions from 0-100, without definition of the 
meaning of the divisions or of the standard group, was tried 
at one time by the Appointment Committee at Teachers Col- 
lege, Columbia University. The method was adapted to our 
purpose by substituting divisions into fifths of a group instead 
of the divisions " superlative, excellent, satisfactory, fair and 
poor " which were used on the teachers* agency blank. Psycho- 
logically the use of a dot on a line seems to have a decided 
advantage over the percentage method, which it most closely 
resembles, in that it gets rid of the habit of thinking that 
different percentages have qualitative significance as indicating 
passing or excellent grades. 

The blank embodies four fundamental principles for secur- 
ing systematic estimates which are here combined for the first 
time, so far as I know. They summarize the result of much 
of the systematic work which has been done in this field in 
recent years. (1) The person is rated relative to the mem- 
bers of a defined group which is known by the judges and is 
used as a standard. In our case the average senior class 
in the students course and school was used as this standard. 
(2) All qualitative terms are avoided since it is impossible to 
define them so that they call up the same idea in the minds 
of different judges. Instead, we have used fifths of the group, 
a concept about which there should be no difference in opinion 
as to what is meant. (3) The method allows the discrimina- 
tion to be made as finely as the judge desires and yet permits 



Figure L— Sample Rating Blank 

Will you please rate the student named below for the traits indicated. 
Place a dot along the line after each trait, grading: the student as finely 
as you care to. Please give the rating independently without consult- 
ing others. The record Sieet is to be returned to the secretary's office 
within three days. 

Jones, John 

Instructor— D 

Among the members of the average senior class in this student's course ana 
school the student would rank in the 








Comnum sense 





General Ability 

the investigator to determine approximately how small 
divisions in that grading have sufficient reliability to make 
them worth while. The results on this phase of the problem 
will be discussed later in the paper. (4) The units of meas- 
urement may be readily transmuted into equivalent units of 
the standard deviation on the basis of the distribution of the 
judgments. In our blank the measurements may be made in 
millimeters or any larger portion of the line and changed into 
units of the standard deviation by Thomdike's table. 

Just a word as to the choice of the particular traits for 
use on the blank. A list of something over 300 traits was 
first compiled from the studies by Cattell, Wells, Yerkes and 
LaRue, Davenport's Trait Book, Mann's study of engineers, 
etc. From this list, 50 were selected and submitted to three 
different groups to be arranged in order of their importance 
in recommending graduates for employment. These arrange- 
ments were made by the members of the seminar in psychol- 
ogy, the three men in the employment office, and a group of 
seniors and juniors in the teachers' training courses. The 
result is shown in Table I. 




Combined Qri^r op Merit for Traits in Recommending 
Graduates for Employment 

















common sense 



( 1-23) 







( 1-45) 







( 1-39) 







( 1-48) 


















clearness of thoui^t 







imderstanding of men 



( 1-47) 







( 2-43) 







( 1-47) 







( 4-43) 
( 1-45) 




techmcal skill 









( 1-46) 







( 4-47) 







( 1-49) 














( 7-39) 














( 2-48) 
( 1-44) 













( 2-47) 













( 7-50) 




















( 4-47) 







( 2-44) 





















( 3^) 







( 5-50) 
( 1-49) 


































































( 4-49) 







( 8-48) 


















oral expression 
















TABLE I'-Cantinued 

apprehension 47 10.0 ( 4-50) 42.0 48.0 45.0 

profound 48 5.5 ( 6-50) 30.0 50.0 50.0 

dignified 49 3.5 (23-50) 50.0 49.0 49.0 

ease of learning 50 10.0 (5-50) 35.5 43.0 42.0 


(r from R) 

Seminar and employment office 57 

Seminar and students 54 

Employment office and students 28 

Among the traits which were near the top of these lists 
we then selected five which seemed to represent different 
important factors in personality from the point of view of 
employment, and which were not sufficiently indicated by the 
scholarship records or " (jeneral Ability." The latter term 
allowed the judge to weigh the traits subjectively and to sum- 
marize his opinion of the student. 

In evaluating the method the first question is, how far may 
the judgments be relied upon? How sure are we that other 
capable judges equally acquainted with the individuals would 
give like estimates? The correlation of series of estimates 
on the same people seems to offer the best means of answering 
this question. The data are summarized in Table II, Relia- 
bility of Estimates. 


College Seniors Judged BY Members OP THE Faculty AT THE 
Carnegie Inshtute op Technology 









College of Applied Science 

Oxrelation of ranks 
Measured in millimeters 

A judgment and 1 other 

(64 cases) 

1 judgment and 1 other 

(30-36 cases) 








2 judgments and 2 others. . . . 

(30^6 cases) 

Measured in fifths 

2 judgments and 2 others. . . . 

Product-Moment cor. of 

transmuted tenths 

2 judgments and 2 others. . . . 

(30-36 cases) 
















TABLE II— Continued 






CoUege ' 







M.M. CoUege for Women 
(24-26 cases) 

2 judgments and 2 others. . . . 
Correlation of ranks 








measured in m.m. 

Product-Moment cor. of 

transmuted tenths 








College of Applied Science 

(30 cases) 
Correlation of ranks 

2 judgments in fifths and the 









2 judgments in fifths and the 

same 2 in transmuted tenths 








All the correlations are between a series of judgments 
selected at random from those made on each student and 
similar series selected in the same way from those judgments 
remaining. The same series of single judgments or of com- 
bined judgments on the same students is always used in the 
correlations compared, but the judgments are scored in. dif- 
ferent ways. 

The first two rows of figures compared with all the others 
in the table indicate that a single judgment is not sufficiently 
reliable, but that two judgments combined give approximately 
a reliability of 0.7 and may be relied upon when no more 
judgments are practicable. Four judgments combined, which 
we use, should then give us a reliability of .83, if we apply Wil- 
liam Brown's formula for estimating the number of combined 
judgments necessary to attain a desired degree of reliability.' It 
is interesting to note that, if the correlation between two single 
series is ,5S, as here, the correlation between the two series 
combined and two other series should theoretically be ,71. 
This agrees with our empirical findings. 

In the Margaret Morrison Carnegie School it is possible to 
check the order of merit for the seniors which ha^ been 
obtained by combining the estimates of various instructors, 
none of whom judged the whole class, by two orders of merit 

'The Essentials of Mental Measurements, note, p. loi. 


for the whole class furnished by the dean and by the secre- 
tary of the school who has charge of employment. The orders 
of merit arranged by each of these administrative officers 
correlates over .70 with the combined order of merit of the 
faculty judgments on the " general ability " of various parts 
of the class, taken from the estimate blanks. The combined 
order of merit of the administrative officers agrees with the 
result of the same combined faculty estimate with a correlation 
of .75. All correlation coefficients for rank orders in Table II 
z!tt obtained by Pearson's method for calculating P and trans- 
lating to r. 

Important data as to the form of scoring these estimates 
are also provided in Table 11. Notice the three rows of 
coefficients in the second division of the table. The averages 
are .72, .68 and .69. They suggest that refinements of meas- 
urement make very little difference in the reliability of an 
order of merit obtained from two judgments chosen at random. 
This is true at least so far as the orders of merit of these 
thirty seniors in the engineering college were concerned. The 
results are corroborated by the next two rows of data on the 
seniors in the college for women, which show the same aver- 
age, .64. Since four judgments are averaged the students 
were fairly well discriminated in rank. 

The last division of the table, moreover, shows that an order 
of merit obtained from two judgments combined remains prac- 
tically the same whether the judgments are scored one way 
or another. Measurements in fifths give about the same 
order of merit as those in millimeters or transmtued tenths. 
The correlations are over .90. If an order of merit is all that 
is desired, records in less than fifths or the use of transmuted 
measures are probably unnecessary refinements. When the 
methods differ as to particular students, however, the refined 
method may be safer. With our blank the position of the dot 
can be read directly in tenths as easily as in fifths. 

There is some tendency for students in certain divisions 
to be ranked higher than in others. This may raise the cor- 
relations. If present, however, the spurious correlation docs 
not affect our conclusions. In the women's college the order 
of merit agreed well with that of the two a£ninistration 
officers who ranked the entire class. At least two judgments 
are necessary for reasonable reliability, and the measurement 
of combined judgments need not be in smaller units than fifths 
if conclusions are limited to the group as a whole, rather than 
directed to particular students. 

130 MINER 


Thirty seniors in the College of Applied Science estimated by four 
judges in tenths of an average graduating class and the scores then trans- 
muted into units of the standard deviation. Scholarship rated by the 
total scholarship in credit hours transmuted into units of the standard 
deviation. The correlations were calculated by the product-moment 

£• ^. "^ gS S :b -^ 

c)5 O O W »S H tf 

Scholarship 73 .58 .73 .62 .39 .72 

General ability 73 ... .85 .74 .78 .71 .84 

Commonsense 58 .85 ... .68 .76 .68 .78 

Energy 73 .74 .68 ... .78 .46 .76 

Initiative 62 .78 .76 .78 ... .75 .80 

Leadership 39 .71 .68 .46 .75 ... .55 

ReliabiUty 72 .84 .78 .76 .80 .55 ... 

Average 62 .78 .72 .69 .75 .59 .74 

If the reader will now turn to Table III, the intercorrela- 
tions may give us some other hints in evaluating this par- 
ticular rating card. Which of these specific traits gives the 
most unique information not afforded by the grades in schol- 
arship? To answer this question we may note which trait 
shows the lowest correlation with scholarship. With this 
group of seniors in the engineering college the estimate of 
" leadership " is least indicated by scholarship. We also note 
that " general ability " shows the highest intercorrelations with 
these specific traits, even when we disregard the intercorrela- 
tions with scholarship. For a single term " general ability " 
would, therefore, probably give us the most additional infor- 
mation about the whole group of specific traits. If the 
problem justified the labor of the calculations this conclusion 
could be checked by the partial intercorrelation of each of the 
traits with the others independent of their relations to 

When considering a particular person, what sort of numer- 
ical rating will -be most usable ? This is largely a question 
of practical convenience. The method we use is to record the 
average rating of the faculty judges in a particular trait, then 
to arrange these in ten equal groups. By this method the 
rating of the student is in the actual tenth of his class in which 
he fell on the average for that trait. This is, of course, dif- 
ferent from the average estimated tenth. For example, the 
separate judgments of the seniors in the engineering college 


distributed in the various estimated tenths in general ability 
as follows, beginning with the estimated lowest tenth and 
stated in percentages: 2, 3, 8, 3, 9, 29, 17, 8, 15, 6. We 
may note in passing that the transmuted value in terms of the 
standard deviations for an estimate in each of these tenths for 
this college was as follows, omitting decimal points: — 24, 
—18, —14, —11, -«, —3, +3, +7, +11, +20. 

In spite of the fact that there is a tendency to place more 
than a tenth in the middle and upper estimated tenths, the 
discrimination is probably better than with other methods of 
estimation. For example, the distribution of the grades in 
scholarship of the same class under the six marks used showed 
the following percentages of credit hours for each mark: 
1, 7, 15, 54, 19, 4. 

A more precise quantitative score also seems advisable, at 
least for general ability. For this purpose we have used 
estimated tenths transmuted into terms of the standard devia- 
tion. With this quantitative score a unit means approximately 
the same at one position on the scale as at another. This is 
not true of decile units or ranks in an order of merit, in 
which adjacent extreme tenths theoretically differ from each 
other about three times as much as those tenths near the 

The office should also be infohned as to the variability of 
.these ratings. For example, with the estimates of general 
ability of the 64 engineering seniors, we can say that the 
chances are roughly 9 out of 10 that a student would not be 
estimated more than 2 tenths of an average class differently, 
even in the most variable tenths, by a similar average judgment 
of four members of the faculty. 

W. D. Scott has suggested a method by which the rating 
blank can be made more concrete if comparison can be made 
to a known group which is stable enough so that typical indi- 
viduals may be selected for a standard scale. For example, 
when the divisions are in fifths, at the boundaries of the 
divisions may be inserted the names of those persons in the 
standard group who are highest, lowest, middle, etc. The 
estimator would then judge an individual to be between Mr. 
A. and Mr. B., or between Mr. B. and Mr. C, e]tc. In this 
form the method is being tried out by the Bureau of Sales- 
manship Research. 

The complete answer as to whether it is worth while to 
supplement the scholarship ratings of college students by 
such estimates of ability as have been attempted here will be 
possible only after we can determine whether they assist in 
making a more accurate prediction of success in life. This 

132 MINER 

must wait until we have data upon these graduates some years 
after they have left the schools. 

That these estimates give illimiinating information about 
certain students cannot t^ doubted, however, when one finds 
such records as those of Mr. A. and Mr. B. given in Table 
IV. Without such estimates of traits, an institution has no 
systematic record in available form of anything except scholar- 
ship. That would certainly be an inadequate basis for judging 
these individuals. On the other hand it must be recognized 
that for the great majority of the seniors the estimates and 
the scholarship records are quite similar. The record of Mr. 
C. may be said to be fairly typical and that of Mr. D. is the 
other extreme. 


Rbcords of Individuals 

Seniors Mr. A. Mr. B. Mr. C. Mr.D. 

Standard deviation: 

Scholarship —.24 +.18 +.26 +.82 

General ability +.36 —.30 +.30 +1.40 

Actual tenths of the class: 

Scholarship 3 7 7 10 

General ability 6 4 6 10 

Common sense 8 1 4 10 

Energy 8 6 6 10 

Initiative 8 4 4 9 

Leadership 10 3 7 8 

RcliabiUty .-. 7 7 6 10 

We may recapitulate the experience of the Carnegie Insti- 
tute of Technology in regard to the method described above 
when applied to its seniors in 1916. The empirical test of 
the method under the conditions found in its four colleges 
shows: 1. The plan of estimating traits within fifths of an 
average class in the student's course in college by placing a 
dot on a line, is so easy to use that replies can be secured, 
without serious annoyance, from teachers who do not have 
to estimate more than about a dozen students for six traits. 
2. The average of four estimates on each student was found 
to give fairly constant orders of merit when such estimates on 
personal traits were made by those as well acquainted with 
the individuals as instructors in laboratory courses with small 
groups. An estimate by one member of the faculty is unre- 
liable. 3. The method allows for a quantitative estimate on a 
common standard without requiring all the members of the 
class to be known by the same person. 4. The records sup- 
plement the scholarship ratings of some students in a most 
suggestive way. 5. Five traits selected because of their esti- 


mated high importance in recommending graduates for em- 
ployment, were common sense, energy, initiative, leadership 
and reliability. Among these leadership was least correlated 
with scholarship ratings. Estimates of general ability showed 
the highest intercorrelations with the special traits. 6. Scoring 
the estimates in divisions less than estimated fifths of the class 
or in transmuted measures did not give notably different orders 
of merit. 


Frederic Lyman Wells, McLean Hospital, Waverley, Mass. 

Various types of investigations, particularly those concerned 
with practise, memory and transfer, demand the use of much 
alternative material of a homogeneous character. In the type 
of mental examination represented by the intelligence scales 
this need has also made itself felt, as a precaution against the 
vitiation of results through the subject's fore-knowledge, inci- 
dental or purposeful, of the test material. In accordance with 
this situation have been compiled the tables of alternative 
material to be described. Those dealing with number material 
include addition, subtraction, multiplication and division, con- 
secutive magnitudes, the reversed clock test, the problem of 
the enclosed boxes, the " ingenuity '* test, a " relational " 
test with numbers, and memory for digits. Others dealing 
with language material comprise tables for alphabetical se- 
quence, alternate directions material and vocabulary lists, 
together with a " cued combination " method for vocabulary 
and spelling. A simplified form of the Kent-Rosanoff fre- 
quency tables in the association test is also included. 

As publication of the tables is not now possible, the writer 
will gladly answer inquiries in regard to experimental material 
from them. Here is described the present content of the 
tables, but it is not unlikely that they will be extended to other 
sorts of experimental material, and suggestions in this regard 
will be most welcome. 

Table I. Addition-Subtraction 
Random drawings of the two place numbers from 11 to 99 
inclusive, are grouped in series of 10 numbers each, with no 
number occurring more than once in each series, and in vertical 
column, thus: 




68 Fifty such series have been prepared. They may 

25 be used either for adding the columns, or for adding 

82 (or substracUng) a fixed amount from each number 

27 (Woodworth-Wells constant increment test). 





Table II. Addition-Subtraction 

A series of 100 random pairs of six place numbers was 
prepared. Each pair is given together with its sum. Any 
pair may be presented as, an addition test, in which case the 
sum checks the correctness of the subject's answer. As a 
subtraction test, the sum is used as the subtrahend, and either 
number as the minuend. The other number checks the correct- 
ness of the subject's answer. Examples: 

1. 683936 859629 1543565 

2. 791661 554668 1346329 

The table thus provides 100 such examples in addition, and 
200 in subtraction. 

Table III. Multiplication-Division 

A series of 200 random pairs of three place numbers was 
prepared, in which no digit occurs more than once in the 
same number. Each pair is given together with its product 
(after Crelle's tables). If any pair is- presented for multi- 
plication, the product checks the correctness of the subject's 
response. For division, this product is presented to be divided 
by either of the pair, and the other number checks the cor- 
rectness of the quotient obtained by the subject. Examples: 

1. 384 194 74496 

2. 761 257 195577 

If, in division, a remainder is desired, its amount is added 
to the dividend before presenting the problem. The table 
provides 200 such examples in multiplication and 400 in 

These tables presenting mathematical problems in the ab- 
stract, are of course equally adaptable to any concrete setting 
in which the examiner may think fit to give them. 

Table IV. Consecutive Magnitudes 

A series of 1,000 four and five place numbers is presented. 
The nature of this list safeguards it against duplication except 
from clerical error. The subject may arrange a small group 
of the numbers in order of magnitude. The table begins, 



136 WELLS 

Table V. Reversed Clock. (Binet et al.) 

The problem is to tell the time indicated if the hands are 
reversed from that of a given time on the clock. 132 such 
problems are gathered in 11 columnsjof 12 each. It is intended 
that the problems of one experiment shall not be chosen from 
outside a single column of twelve. The list begins with the 
times, 3.36, 8.13, 12.41, 10.19. 

As both original and reversed times are given in the table, 
the problem may be given from either one, and the answer 
checked, from the other. 

Table VI. Enclosed Boxes. (Terman, Yerkes) 

There are given twelve additional problems, based on com- 
binations of 1-4 boxes. 

Table VII. " Ingenuity." (Terman, Yerkes) 

The principle of the problem is preserved, but its state- 
ment altered to the following: 

A doctor must measure out exactly (q) ounces of medicine for a man 
who is sick in the woods. He has only an (m) ounce measure and an 
(n, ounce measure to do it with. Show how he can use these measures 
to get just the right dose of (q) ounces without any guessing. He pours 
from one measure to the other, and what he does not want he pours back 
into his medicine bottle. 

In the table, the problems are statea by giving first the 
smaller measure, then the larger measure, and then the amount 
to be obtained. Thus, 3-5-7 signifies, " 3 and 5 to get 7." 
This problem, the first of those given by Terman and Yerkes, 
takes five steps for its complete solution. Their second prob- 
lem, 5-7-8, takes seven steps. By varying these quantities, 
alternative problems have been prepared, classed as a when 
the larger measure is filled first, and as b when the smaller 
measure is filled first. The number of these alternates for 
diflfering degrees of complexity is as follows : 

No. steps in solution 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 

0— problems 17 18 13 11 7 3 1 

fc— problems 1 13 14 11 7 3 1 

Also one each of 9, 11, 13 and 15 step problems in which 
either measure is filled first. 

The problems may be arranged in series of increasing com- 
plexity, care being used that the solution of a shorter problem 
is not involved in the solution of a longer one. A table of 
thirty such series is prepared, one of which is : 

No. steps. . . 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 

Problem.... 7-8-1 7-9-lla 4.5-7b 5-8-12b 4-9-llb 8-9-5b 8-9-4a 


In three step problems, the direction to fill a certain measure 
first may be dispensed with. 

Table VIII a. Mathematical Relations. (After Yerkes' 
Multiple Choice and Relational Tests) 

Tables are prepared adapted to two forms of this test. First, 
the subject is required to state a certain relationship which is 
thus presented: 

What must be done to I'o get these 

each of these numbers, numbers, 

Z89 292 

378 ^1 

276 279 

The nature and complexity of the relations to be presented 
is indefinitely variable, and must be decided by the examiner. 
To facilitate the construction of such test material, the fol- 
lowing tables are prepared: 

100 random 3-place niunbers between 200 and 450 

15 2-i^ce and 15 3-place niunbers which are multiples of 3 

15 2-iriace and 15 3-place numbers which are multiples of 4 

15 2-place and 15 3-place numbers which are multiples of 6 

10 2-place and 15 3-place numbers which are multiples of 7 

10 2-place and 15 3-place numbers which are multiples of 8 

10 2-place and 15 3-place numbers which are multiples of 9 

Three examples in 2-place and three examples in 3-place 

figures of eadi of the relationshipsr: multiplication and 

division by 3, 4, 6, 7, 8. 9. 

Three examples in 2-place figures of each of the relation- 
ships: 2/3, 3/2; 3/4, 4/3; 5/6, 6/5; 6/7, 7/6; 7/8, 8/7; 
8/9, 9/8. 

Table VIIIb 

Second, the subject may be requested to apply the relation, 
with or without its statement. Then a blank is left in a series 
presented where he is to insert the proper figure. Thus : 

232 235 238 241 

The tables quoted under Villa are also adapted to this 
form of experiment. 

Table IX. Memory for Digits 

108 orders of the nine digits are prepared according to these 
rules : ( 1 ) No order to haye a figure diflfering from the pre- 
ceding figure by 2, 1 or minus 1. (2) No order to have the 
same difference occurring twice in succession, as 2,5,8; or 
9,5,1. (3) In the same group of three orders, no successive 
orders to have the same figure in the same position. (4) 

138 WELLS 

In the same group of three orders, no two orders to begin 
or end with the same figures. 

For convenience, the digits in each order are divided into 
groups of three. Thus the first group of this table is, (read 

286 153 ^7 

749 625 183 

851 742 639 

This table is equally adapted to the " reversed " repetition 
of digits (Bobertag, Terman), except that then, diflferences 
of plus 2 between successive digits will be involved. 

If the conditions are not suitable for the usual type of 
memory test, a partial substitute (after W. D. Scott) may 
be had in requiring the subject to transcribe portions of this 
table, printed at one end of the test form, at the other end, 




But in this form of tes^ the role of memory is practically 
absorbed by attention. 

Table X. Alphabetical Sequence 

A list of 1,000 names in random alphabetical sequence is 
prepared. The constitution of this list does not wholly safe- 
guard it from duplications, but they are practically eliminated. 
Among the many uses to which such a list may be put, is 
the arrangement of a small portion of the list in alphabetical 
order; or better, if responses are written, the indication of 
this order by prefixing to the names the numbers 1, 2, 3, etc. 
The table begins, 

Foley, Annie kL. 

Gates, Mary m. 

Kennedy, Allan G. 

McD(Hiald, Alice D. 

Robertson, Clara L. 

Table XI. Directions 

The text of the Woodworth-Wells hard directions test is 
so varied as to alter each of the responses called for. The 
number of alternative responses thus provided varies from 
10 to 25 among the 15 directions of the test. The order of 
their presentation is also varied. In preparing a test form, 
the choice of each direction, and its place of sequence in the 
form, is governed by chance, giving an indefinite variety of 
test forms from the same foundation. Two sample forms are, 


Put the number 736 before this name of a boy John. * Write 

any letter except g just after this comma, * If people believe 

Lincoln was president in the Civil War, cross out what you last wrote; 
but if it was someone else, put in the number to complete this sentence, 

" A dog has feet." * Notice the numbers 2, 9. If iron is heavier 

than water, write the larger number here ; but if iron is lighter, 

write the smaller nimiber here * Write no, no matter whether 

California is in Asia or not jff Write again what you last wrote, 

here * Write the first letter of your fist name and the second 

letter of your last name at the beginning of the dotted line 

* Write yes if 3x3 are 10 ; if not, make a cross here 

*Make a figure 3 under any one of these letters F G H I J. 

*If coal is black, make a figure 8 here ; but if not, tell where the 

kin sets fUMsike a dash after the longest of these three words, 

sand cow cattle * If Thursday comes after Wednesday, make' a 

square here ; but if not, make a circle here or two crosses 

here *Give a wrong answer to this question, " How many days 

are there in the year? " m Show by an exclamation point whoi 

the days are longer: In summer? In winter? *Give the 

correct answer, yes or no to this question, " Do turtles have shells? " 

If a square is round, make a figure 3 here ; but if not, tell where 

the sun sets fH Write no if 3 x 3 are 9 ; if not, make a cross 

here * Write again what you last wrote, here * Show 

by a circle when the nights are shorter: In sununer? In winter? 

# Write any letter except e just after this comma, 

» Write yes, no matter whether Egypt is in Africa or not * Make 

a comma after the shortest of these three words, pocket pole gun 
*Give the right answer to this question, " How many months are there 

in a year? " * If you beheve Paris is in Asia, cross out what you 

last wrote, but if it is somewhere else, put in the number to complete 

this sentence, " A chicken has legs." # Notice the nimibers 6, 9. 

If iron is lighter than water write the smaller number here ; but 

if iron is heavier, write the larger number here fUMake a dot 

to the rirfit of any one of these letters F G H I J *Put the 
number GBl between these names of boys, John Alfred 

» If Wednesday comes after Tuesday, make a circle here ; but if 

not, make a square here or two crosses here *Giye the 

correct answer, yes or no, to this question, " Are tigers fierce animals? 

* Write the first letter of your first name and the second letter 

of your last name at the end of the dotted line 

Table XII. Vocabulary. (After Terman, The Measure- 
ment OF Intelligence, 1916, pp. 224-231) 

Two thousand words not in Terman's standard list of ^CO 
are similarly selected, at random according to their positions 
in Webster's Primary Dictionary, Random drawings from 
these 2,000 are grouped in 20 series of 100 words each. The 
words in each series are presented roughly in order of their 
difficulty, beginning with the easiest. 

Table XIII. The Method of Cued Combination 

Its purpose is (1) to make the Vocabulary test of Table 
XII practicable as a group experiment, (2) to serve also as 

140 WELLS 

a test of spelling without the examiner's pronouncing the 
word to be spelled. 

In tests of word-combination, the word to be combined is 
usually left an entire blank. Here the word is not left wholly 
blank, but a determining cue is given. The extent of this 
cue should be such that (1) if the word forms a part of the 
subject's effective vocabulary, he can hardly fail to combine 
it properly; (2) if he does not know the word, he cannot 
supply it by guessing. This cueing must be done carefully, 
and its extent depends somewhat on whether the test is meant 
primarily for vocabulary or for spelling. In the latter case, 
only those portions of the word need be omitted where errors 
in spelling are most apt to occur. 

In representing omitted portions of the word, it is some- 
times desirable to represent the number of letters omitted, 
and sometimes not so. In the former case, each letter omitted 
is represented by a period, thus: 

The boy was sucking a big ripe or. . .e 

In the latter case, the omitted portion, of whatever length, 
is represented by a dash, as is usual in combination tests: 

A cent is made of co 

Similar brief sentences, with appropriate cues for the word 
to be supplied in each, are prepared for 

(1) The 100 words of Terman's Vocabulary Test. The 
same methods is now being extended to the 2,000 alterna- 
tive words of Table XII. 

(2) The " 100 commonly misspelled words " of Hammond 
and Herzberg's " Style-Book of Business English," 1916, pp. 
113-4. These are cued especially for spelling. Such methods 
of spelling test relieve the examiner from speaking the words, 
and the test from errors traceable to this cause. The subject 
simply fills out the test-form given him. One at the same 
time tests the ability to use the word correctly, as in testing 
for vocabulary. 

(3) For spelling alone, a mixture of misspelled and cor- 
rectly spelled words is efficient.* Such misspellings as are 
given by Hammond and Herzberg are listed with other -cor- 
rectly spelled words selected from Table XII. The subject 
corrects the misspellings he notes. 

' Cf. Kemble, Standard Tests for Employees, 1916. 


Table XIV. Frequency Tables for Free Association. 
(Abridged from Kent and Rosanoff) 

Since the " median of community "* in associative response 
is not affected by the responses of less frequency than 1%, 
the original tables of Kent and Rosanoff are reduced to a 
small fraction of their bulk by eliminating these, and the 
process of evaluation is also simplified. For the stimulus- 
word Dark the 114 items of the original Kent-Rosanoff table 
become 7, as follows: 

76 black 
15 bright 
28 color 
11 gloomy 
427 B^t 
221 ^t 
22 room 

The precision of the method is unaffected. 

Table XV. Towns and States 

A list of 400 leading towns and cities of the United States 
is prepared, containing the two largest towns in each State, 
and other towns over 15,000 population (together with Lake- 
wood, N. J., and Portsmouth, N. H.), according to census of 
1910. The towns included in this list are presented in random 
order. Any selection of these, preferably not less than 30, 
is given to the subject, who indicates the State in which the 
town is situated. When a town is specified for more than one 
State, (e. g. Jackson), the States specified for it in the table 
are to be named; (e. g. Mich., Miss., Tenn.). Credit is not 
given for States not specified in this table, though they may 
contain a smaller town of the name called for, (e. g. Jackson, 
N. H.). The table begins, 

Muskegon, Mich. 
Ansooia, Conn. 
Walla Walla, Wash. 
Hagerstown, Md. 
Leominster, Mass. 

This table may be combined with Table X for a convenient 
associative memory method. Names taken from Table X are 
attached at random to addresses from the present table, and 
thus presented to the subject. After a given interval, it is 
seen if the subject, on being given the names alone, can recol- 
lect the address belonging to each. 

* Wells, The Question of Association Types. Psychol, Rev, 1912. 
19, 259. 



Table XVI. Letter-Square 

This table consists of 375 random drawings of one of 
twenty letters, paired with a random drawing of one of ten 
numbers, thus B 3, Q 8, T 5. There is presented to the subject 
a figure with 200 squares, designated vertically by letters and 
horizontally by numbers. The subject (1) gives the letter 
and number corresponding to five designated squares, (2) 
marks in a specified way five other squares whose letter and 
number are given. The table designates combinations of letter 
and number to be employed. No letter occurs more than 
once in any line of 15 combinations. In each line of 15, no 
number occurs more than once in the first 5 combinations or 
in the second 10 combinations. 

A sample test form is, 





E F G 

H J Kl 

L 1 

M N 



R S T 

u w 


















6. Each of the squares in the dia|rain above is named accordmg to 
the letter iinder which it stands and the number on the same line with it. 
Thus the square with an x in it is named B3. 

Give the letter and number to name the squares which have in them the 
small letters c ; f ; t ; g ; n 

Put a figure 6 in square W2. 

Put a figure 8 in square N4. 

Put a figure 2 in square F3. 

Put a figure 7 in square G4. 

Put a figure 4 in square J7. 

Printed forms have been standardized for this experimental 
material. Each piece of test material, with its written instruc- 
tions, is not more than 3 inches in height. The width is 7j4 
inches, or half or quarter thereof, according to space required. 
Test-forms from the different tables occupy the following 
portions of -a type page 7 J4 x 9" : 

Table I, Addition-Subtraction. 1/12 

Table II, Addition-Subtraction, 1/12 

Table III, Multiplication-Division, 1/6 


Table IV, Consecutive Numbers, 1/12 

Table V. Reversed Clock. 1/6 

Table VII, Ingenuity, 1/3 

Table Villa or b, Nfathematical Relations, 1/6 

Table IX, Memory for Digits, (Transcription), 1/6 

Table X, Alphabetical Names, 1/6 

Table XI, Directions, 2/3 

Table Xlllfl, Cued Combination, (1) 2/3 

Table XIII^ Cued Combinati<m, (2) 1/3 

Table XV, Towns and States, (3) 1/3 

Table XVI, Letter-Square, 1/3 

Complete test-forms from Tables I-X, also XV, may be 
presented, recorded and filed on the standard 5x3 card; with 
the remaining tables, results alone are so filable. Slips of 
fairly heavy paper cut to 5x3 size are more convenient in. 
use than cards, and occupy less space when filed. 

Forms like those described are conveniently left blank ex- 
cept for the instructions to the subject, and any varia- 
tion of the test-material entered upon it, from the tables, in 
printing, multigraph, typewriting or manuscript. The content 
of the tests is thus changed whenever desired. For individual 
examinations it is, in most of the tests, efficient to have 
the instructions (when not verbal) typewritten on a 
5x3 slip a, and the test material on a second slip 
ft. A third slip c is then clipped adjacent to the experi- 
mental material on slip b and on the slip c the sub- 
ject records his response. This slip is then filed as his record 
in the test, while the slips a and b are available for repeated 
similar use. This is most convenient in practice and transfer 
experiments. Where a number of tests are made in this way 
with a single subject, the record slips may be filed upon larger 
master-cards (standard sizes up to 14^ x9^) or one behind 
the other in the regular 5x3 cabinet, suitably indexed. 

(i) Words 38-70 inclusive, of Terman or alternate Vocabulary 

(2) Seventeen random selections from Hammond and Herzberg's 

(3) Different composition for 5 x 3 filing. 


BjT A A RoBACK, Hanrard University. 

Ever since positivism has taken a hold on science, Aere has 
been a tendency to apply the method employed by the natural 
sciences to all the sciences, so much so that in some quarters 
hope is even held out for such an application in die domain 
of ethics.^ Owing to diis circumstance, one finds it necessary 
to outline the scope of the term " natural sciences." 

It may be stated then, at die outset that the term ** natural 
sciences " as employed in this article is to embrace not only 
the biological and geological sciences with all their various 
subdivisions but also, and in fact more particularly so, the 
physical and exact sciences. In other words, the designation 
IS used broadly enough to include every science depending, for 
the most part, upon the observation and recording of natural 
phenomena as well as the mathematical basis underlying their 
mterpretation, while on the other hand, it is suffkiently re- 
stricted to exclude the sociological and historical disciplines 
which should be treated under a different heading. Psy- 
chology, in its experimental phase, especially as treated by the 
behaviourists and allied schools may well come under this 
rubric; but the very fact that the status of this science is 
under discussion is sufficient warrant for confining ourselves 
at present to the various branches of the Naturwissenschaften 
including physics, astronomy, chemistry, geology, mineralogy, 
and the biological sciences, such as physiology, botany, zoology, 
anatomy, and their various subdivisions. This, however, by 
no means goes to say that applied psychology, in its present 
stage, has anything to offer to all the sciences mentioned. But 
at least the direction may be shown in which any improvement 
may be expected, and in general, a grouping of the different 
sciences is convenient, since the principle involved in one of 
the members of the group is likely to prove fundamental in 
all. The question before us then, is: In what way can psy- 
chology be of service to science in dealing with the observation 
of natural phenomena? 

*Thc reference here is notably to the movement inaugurated by L. 
Livy-Bruhl and Georg Simmel. 


It will be noticed that in all other fields, such as law, medi- 
cine, pedagogy, etc., applied psychology has both a negative 
and a positive contribution to make. It not only points out 
(he obstacles in healing, but it actually offers its services to 
effect a cure. It not only exposes the flaws in the legal system 
of to-day, but sets about devising means by which the cause 
of justice might be furthered, aside from those flaws. In 
art, we are not only told what to be on our guard against, 
but we are taught how definitely to enhance the enjoyment of 
an artistic production. In short, psychology has incorporated 
itself in the particular pursuit that summoned it. The sales- 
man is making more sales and the physician cures more effec- 
tively by dint of their psychological principles. You can not 
really separate the two while the selling or curing is in 

The relation, however, is not so intimate between psychology 
and science, especially the natural sciences. Here the psy- 
chologist does not pretend to lead the naturalist in his investi- 
gations, but merely to act as a check. He cannot hope to make 
the physicist or the astronomer perceive the better, or the 
quicker or the more, but reminds him only that he must make 
allowance for certain facts in matters where the minutest 
detail may make a vast difference as to results. Hence, the 
conclusion that applied psychology has only a negative value 
and not a positive, for natural science. 

The reason for this deviation of applied psychology from 
its usual course is obvious. All other departments of human 
endeavor, to which psychology can be applied, have a practical 
bearing, and their end is utility. Even art aims at enjoyment. 
Science, however, although eventuating in utility, may yet be 
taken up for its own sake. It may be true that every discovery 
is an invention in potentia. Yet science would still retain its 
value even were the discovery the end of the matter. The 
search after and attainment of a truth per se has a distinct 
value apart from the exploitation of it in the economic world. 
We may reach this conclusion then that psychotechnics de- 
pends as to extent of applicability upon the degree of practical 
bearing of the department to which it is applied. 

There is another reason for this apparent thinness of 
applied psychology in our field. In all the other subjects 
there are two phases to the reaction, both falling into the 
sphere of human activity and human interests. In law it is 
the court officials trying to bring about a certain state of 
affairs by means of influence brought to bear on the jury or 
the accused. In business, the salesman cannot rest content 
with picking up certain impressions, but must give vent to 


certain expressions in order to persuade his prospective cus- 
tomer to make the purchase. The artist, if he is to be suc- 
cessful, must consciously or unconsciously, take into considera- 
tion principles that operate, or will, in the long run, operate 
on the mind of man. He may not create anything with a 
view to pleasing others, but surely he must please himself, and 
in that event, he is really the prototype of the future culti- 
vated public. We have here a purposive or intentional 

Now this motor element which presupposes another human 
being to complete the relation is entirely missing in the natural 
sciences. But it is precisely this human objective which is 
missing that gives rise to the positive part of psychotechnics. 
It is just because the naturalist does not make his will felt, 
does not enter into a life-attitude with another personality that 
there can be no prognostication of a psychological nature.. 

It is not therefore the fault of applied psychology if it 
has not the double importance for the natural sciences that 
it has in medicine or jurisprudence and so on. It is rather 
to be attributed to the nature of the case, i. e., to the condi- 
tions of science in general. On the other hand, however, these 
conditions must not be regarded as limitations in any way. 
As a matter of fact, the reverse seems to be true. The exact- 
ness of the physical sciences and the growing positivism of 
the biological sciences are in a large measure due to the 
lack of the human objective which, if present, would entail 
variability. Instead, the naturalist enjoys the privilege of 
studying conditions that are stable, and this fixity of condi- 
tions, although it precludes the life-attitude of one personality 
towards the other, possesses the excellence that we are, at 
least, certain of the results, once results have been obtained — 
a circumstance that has conduced to the preeminence of the 
physical sciences. 

But there is again the danger of overrating the infallibility 
of scientific results because of the infallibility of science. 
That science, as a description of the laws of nature, based on 
the principle of uniformity does not err is a view that scarcely 
admits of any doubt; but it is, as a rule, forjg;otten by the 
zealots of science that the results of any investigation do not 
fall ready-made from heaven. They must be attained by 
men, men of science, it is true, but men all the same, and all 
men are fallible. 

It has been thought that an observation in the physical world 
is infinitely more reliable than a psychological observation; 
and these devotees have failed to recognize that there is no 
strictly physical observation, that every result in physics or 


chemistry is a psychological process in operation between the 
subject and object. Far, then, from hoisting up the physical 
sciences beyond the reach of psychology, we must rather begin 
with psychology as the starting-point, for it is the foundation 
of all science. 

Science, after all, we must remember, is the construction 
of the scientist. It is artificial since it never brings us into 
touch with ultimate reality. In the words of Poincare, Gorgian 
as it may sound, " Not only science cannot teach us the nature 
of things; but nothing is capable of teaching it to us, and if 
any god knew it, he could not find words to express it,"* and 
Poincare is by no means an anti-intellectualist. It is pretty 
well agreed that the objective validity of science consists not 
in its presenting an exact model of reality so much as in 
establishing a certain coherence in the world, or as Poincare 
puts it, " It consists in relations that are, will become, or will 
remain common to all thinking beings." It is at this point 
that psychology picks up the thread and points out that certain 
relations are not common to all, and now the question is: 
what constitutes the diflFerence? 

We are constantly reminded that reference must be had 
to the facts, as if the facts were reality as it is, ultimately and 
absolutely, and as if these facts did not involve an element of 
perception and many other factors that come from within, and 
consequently are not exactly alike for every individual. It is 
the business of psychology, then, to answer how universal 
accord could be brought about by the elimination of these 
disturbing differences ; in other words, how we could obviate 
not illusions, but our ignorance of the illusions. 

" But is not illusion real " seems to be the g^st of a vigorous 
attempt by Prof. Holt^ to bring to life again a by-gone doc- 
trine decked in a new garb. Of course there lurks an 
ambiguity in the contention that illusion is real. That a pro- 
cess has taken place which we, after reflection and comparison, 
call illusion is something incontrovertible. The disputed point 
is whether the perception experienced by the observer is apt 
to fit into a system of relations with perfect congruity. It is 
the lack of this congruity that determines the illusion. " But 
does the camera ever lie ? " asks the realist triumphantly. This 
question again is fraught with equivocation. The camera is 
not active in deceiving us, but we are deceived just the same 
on our own account just as if we might have been deceived 
by looking at an object with the naked eye. It is not the 
camera that deceives us, but our senses brought into a certain 

2 Poincare : " Value of Science," p. 138. 
*The New Realism, p. 303flF. 


relation with the camera and the object. A thousand different 
cameras may give a thousand different impressions, and then 
we should be obliged to regard each individual impression as 
a real impression or percept. And if several physicists or 
astronomers obtained each a different result in their observa- 
tions, shall we say that all their observations are real? 

The underlying fallacy appears to be, as was already alluded 
to, the total neglect of the psychological factors. The act of 
perception is likened to the impression on the camera, as if the 
lenses in the camera or the mirrors were things grown on the 
field and not fashioned by man to suit his own retino-cerebral 
apparatus. It is not realized that when the camera gives us 
a distorted image of an3rthing, it is not the instrument that 
is doing the work. It is still we who are using our eyes 
while the camera acts as a sort of transmitter. 

I have gone into this general discussion at such great length 
because it seems to me that the psychical functions have too 
frequently been disregarded in the interpretation of phenom- 
ena, although the truth of the matter is that the physical is 
nothing knowable without the instrumentality of the psychical ; 
and since trained observers do occasionally have different 
data it is clear that we must look to psychology for an authori- 
tative statement, as the difference could not possibly be due 
to deviations in the objects observed, for that would be pre- 
cluded by the principle of Uniformity of Nature or Con- 
formity to Law. 

Now how can the individual natural sciences learn about 
their dependence on psychology? To begin with the science 
that forms the basis of all the physical sciences, mathematics, 
it might seem as if this is entirely independent of psychology, 
and in a sense it is true inasmuch as the foundations of mathe- 
matics are the same for everybody and as mathematical propo- 
sitions are to be traced back to the principle of identity. 

But in mathematics too there are various theories and doc- 
trines, and some of them at least, involve other principles 
besides that of identity. As early as 1892, when the term 
applied psychology, except in connection with pedagogy, would 
probably have sounded almost as absurd as talking of applied 
metaphysics, J. McKeen Cattell asserted the rights of psy- 
chology in the most authoritative domain of science when he 
declared at the first meeting of the American Psychological 
Association that " The assumption made by the mathema- 
ticians, that an error is composed of a very large number of 
comparatively small and independent errors, cannot be ad- 
mitted by the psychologist. . . . The deductions of 
Laplace and Gauss are of the greatest importance, but it should 


not be forgotten that the laws of nature cannot be invented, 
they must be discovered. It is within the province of psy- 
chology to supply physics with the formulae it requires for 
eliminating errors of observations in special cases/** 

More recently the Gaussian theory of error has been sub- 
jected to further criticism by one of the leading spirits in the 
new movement of psychology. " To the most elementary 
presuppositions of the Gaussian Theory of Error " says Marbe 
in the Fortschritte der Psychologie, " belongs the assumption 
that the variable errors in question have equal probability. 
The facts show that these assimiptions are invalid and the 
representative of the exact natural sciences and the psychol- 
ogist would therefore have to be persuaded to trace the errors 
resulting from psychological principles and eliminate them."' 
Marbe is here referring to the experiments he has undertaken 
and successfully carried through to establish what he calls 
the principle of " the uniformity of psychical occurrence." 
Marbe in his experiments placed several cards before a number 
of people and asked them each to pick one card out of the 
few and record it. The results tended towards an astonishing 
unanimity. When asked to pick out and write down a certain 
color, most noted down the color red. In the same way if you 
ask a number of subjects to write down a number between 
1 and 10, between 11 and 20, between 21 and 30, 31 and 40, 
and 41 and 50, the chances are that 5 or the multiple of 5 
would be the number chosen, and next come the numbers 
nearest to 5; the farther away the less preference. These 
results evince the fact that there is another phase to the 
problem of probability that mathematicians have not dreamt 
of. The a priori method cannot be applied as long as the 
probability depends on an agent. To rely entirely upon such 
a method would be making the reckoning without the host; 
and it only shows the sagacity of Hume to have included even 
mathematics under his programme of humanism.' 

It remained, however, for astronomy to first recognize the 
significance of psychology for the observatory. Ever since the 
assistant of the astronomer Maskelyne was dismissed in 1795 
for recording stellar transits half a second or so too late, the 
phrase " personal equation " has come into vogue, and the 
relations between psychology and astronomy are becoming 
all the closer as more light is thrown on the subject by further 
investigation both on the part of astronomers and on the part 
of psychologists. 

♦ American Journal of Psychology, vol. v, 1892-3, pp. 286-287. 

* Fortschritte der Psychologic, vol. I, 1913, p. 60. 
«A Treatise of Human Nature, Part III, § i. 


The bearing of psychology on the physical sciences is well 
brought out by Newcombe in the Astrophysical Journal^ "A 
mind," he says, " accustomed to dealing with objects the 
correct perception of which depends mainly on visual infer- 
ence, is naturally prone to extend that inference to cases where 
the conclusion would be illusory. Having this in mind we 
see that observers trained in different ways may depict the 
same object very differently." 

As an illustration of these words, Newcombe gives the 
results of experiments conducted by himself to show that the 
astronomer Lowell of the Lowell Observatory had wrongly 
interpreted the width of the Martian Canals and had read 
into his observations things that were not actually there. 

The experiment of Newcombe's consisted in observing at 
a distance of 10 meters a number of lines through trans- 
mitted light, 7 mm thick and 30 cm long. The lines were 
ruled on white fine paper and one of them was continuous 
while the others were broken at regular intervals by spaces 
1 cm and more in length. The results of the observation are 
noteworthy. At the distance of 10 meters, all the lines seemed 
to be continuous and uniform. • As the distance was diminished 
the perception of the gaps did not come on suddenly, but by 
gradual steps. What was judged to be a continuous line up 
and down the paper was really a short line with a faint shade 
below it, and what was still more surprising, a paper that was 
known to have no visible lines upon it when placed in the 
window showed a system of continuous lines similar to those 
that had been observed before. 

What the cause of this illusion is does not actually concern 
us here, but its value for the interpretation of astronomical 
observations is tremendous. Newcombe's experiments led 
him to conclude that the breadth of the Martian Canals which 
was thought to be between 2 and 3 miles was really at least 
50 miles. It is true that Lowell" did not accept Newcombe's 
conclusions criticising his method, but when he states that 
the curious phenomenon occurred also to him many years 
before, the psychological influence in such cases is even all 
the more confirmed. 

In another direction Bauch* at the instance of Marbe con- 
cluded an investigation on the estimation of very^ small 
divisions such as tenths on a dial. He worked with an arrange- 
ment that had been expressly got up for the occasion and 

^ Astrophysical Journal, vol. 26, p. 9. 

* Lowell : Astrophysical Journal, 1907. Reply to Newcombe. 

• Uber Beobachtungsfehler in der meteorologischen Praxis, Fort- 
schritte der Psychologic, vol. II, 1914, p. 246^. 


which consisted of a vernier marked off into tenths in such 
a way, however, that the divisions were concealed from the 
view of the observers. After the hand was seen moving 
between two integers, the observers were asked to give their 
judgment while the experimenter could verify the actual 
tenth that the hand had moved to. As a matter of fact it 
was found that the tenths at the extremes were given prefer- 
ence over those in the middle. The tenths 1, 2, 8, 9, re- 
ceived by far most of the judgments, while the tenths 3, 4, 
5, 6 and 7 were more or less neglected. That seems to 
point again to Marbe's principle of the Uniformity of the 
Psychical Event and proves that even deviations from the 
actual facts are governed by certain psychological principles. 
This preference for the border tenths is sufficient to vitiate 
the results of the readings where a line may represent a 
distance of miles. By carrying on such investigations on an 
extensive scale with a large number of trained observers, it 
is possible to determine the extent of the deviation from the 
actual occurrence and so make allowance for it. 

Prof. F. M. Urban^® also undertook a series of experi- 
ments of a similar kind, and his results show likewise that 
there is a certain favoring with some of the numerals in the 
estimation of short time intervals while others are neglected. 
Yet the results are not quite the same as those of Bauch. It 
is quite probable, as Urban is led to believe, that each set 
of experiments would work out differently according to the 
conditions, but at least this is certain that in all those obser- 
vations referred to there is a systematic error quite apart from 
the mathematical theory of Error. 

This main conclusion is corroborated by the findings of 
Meissner whose results more or less coincide with those of 
Urban, and on the other hand by Hellmann, Obermayer and 
Plassmann, whose conclusions are nearer that of Bauch. It 
was also brought out in those investigations that some have 
a tendency to overestimate while others underestimate the 
time interval. Hellmann" thinks that in taking the readings 
of a barometer, thermometer or hygrometer, slips are con- 
stantly made. Very frequently a five is read for a ten, and 
vice versa, as the length of the stroke is not clearly apper- 
ceived. After examining the observatory records at Potsdam, 
Hellmann learnt that the even tenths of the barometers which 
are marked off in 1-5 degrees appeared a good deal more fre- 
quently than the odd tenths. The reason for this was that 
every reading, except where the hand was seen exactly between 

^^ American Journal of Psychology, vol. XVIII, 1907 pp. 187-193. 
^1 Cited in Bauch's Uber Beobacntungsfehler, etc., cf. foot note 9. 


the two 1-5 marks, would be apt to be noted as a fifth or even 
tenth, i. e., ^would be read as 4-10 instead of 3-10. The 
same preference for the round number and more general 
term at the expense of accuracy was marked in the records 
showing the direction of the wind. The middle points, such 
as N.N.E., E.N.E., E.S.E. and the 5 others occurred far more 
rarely than the main directions N., E., W., and S. As Bauch 
suggested in the case of his own results, the preference may 
be due to a greater intensity of attention to the main directions. 

Another source of danger for the astronomer was pointed 
out by Plassihann as consisting in not taking the reading at 
the right moment. He experimented on the estimation of 
short spaces with a Jensens Pendelquadrant and found that" 
the readings or estimates must be made very quickly, other- 
wise the pointer or hand would be likely to slide somewhat 
away from the actual spot after some vacillation. 

In the Zeitschrift fiir Psychologic,^* the same writer reviews 
a number of errors caused by individual differences in stellar 
observation. He relates that red stars would appear to him 
relatively weaker than they did to most other observers. This 
underestimation of red was worst at the beginning. Gradually 
that impression would gain in hue, but the feeling of certainty 
was so lost to the observer that he jotted down the very first 
thing he was able to see. To show what factors may influ- 
ence the astronomer he cites the figures for one observer. At . 
one time the zero tenth was recorded 139 times, which means 
that it occurred the most frequent among all the tenths. Later, 
however, the zero tenth occurred only 59 times and was by 
far the least frequently recorded tenth. It was then revealed 
that the observer had favored the zero tenth and later tried 
to avoid the preference with the result that he unduly 
neglected it. 

No less instructive is his more recent investigation on 
periodicity in the variability of the decimal error,** in which 
he shows by tables based on 13 years of observation (1904- 
1915 inclusive) that (a) the odd tenths on the astronomical 
clock are apt to be slurred in favor of the even decimal (b) 
the overemphasized tenths display a decided periodicity effect. 
The last conclusion, which is amply proven by Plassmann's 
tables, is an altogether new datum in the psychology of quan- 
titative observation, and is of especial importance for as- 

^^Zeitschrift fiir Psych., vol. 49. 

i«J. Plassmann: Zeitschrift fiir Psychologic, vol. LXXVII, Dec. 


Astronomy was the first of the natural sciences to pave the 
way for applied psychology, but there is no reason why it 
should be the only science in that group to require the assist- 
ance of psychotechnics. Since physics is so much allied to 
astronomy, it is impossible for the physicist to feel immune 
from psychological errors, after the astronomer has been 
shown to be subject to misobservation, misreading, misinter- 
pretation, misrecording and many other mistakes. 

One instance which must be borne in mind by physicists 
is given by Marbe** when he says " If the perception of dif- 
ferences is much easier for very slight and very intense 
stimuli than for those of medium intensity, it would be neces- 
sary in physical readings to select the stimuli to be compared 
from the middle of the intensity scale." This consideration, 
he goes on to say, would be important in photometry where 
two lights of great intensity might have to be reduced in a 
certain relation. Nor can physicists afford to ignore the 
phenomena of after images, contrast, induction, and so forth. 

In a large measure the physicist's work is similar to that 
of the astronomer. He too has to estimate space and time 
intervals, take readings, record colors and the like ; and so what 
has been said above under the head of astronomy will largely 
hold of the application to physics as well. The physicist has 
even to employ more senses than the astronomer who has 
nothing to do with the kinaesthetic or tactual sensations. With 
all the instruments and appliances at his disposal, the physicist 
still makes use of his senses in the rough work. It is only 
when in doubt that he really goes into an elaborate examina- 
tion. The danger, however, is to be found in the countless 
instances of certainty which may only express a certain feel- 
ing, but does not reveal the actual state of affairs. 

Practice, of course, is the great asset of the naturalist, and 
the question may be raised whether continual practice may 
not make one a better observer. Meissner's results showing 
that the one observer who was the most constant was also 
the most experienced seem to point in that direction; but the 
whole question can have a pedagogical value only. As a 
matter of fact he who has a leaning for the natural sciences 
must surely have his powers of observation well developed. 
The probability is that he is always in practice, and that the 
institution of such a discipline would be mere child's play 
and superfluous for him, although it might help the other 
children who are less endowed, and even here Baade in his 
"Aussagen iiber physikalische Demonstrationen," denies that 
there was any improvement in the attestation ability of the 

^*Marbe: Fortschritte der Psychologies vol. i, 1913. 


children who had had the benefit of practice and correction. 
He even goes so far as to say directly that the "occasional 
apparent instances of improvement must, in p^rt definitely 
and some of them with great probability, be traced to factors 
that have nothing whatever to do with practice or the educa- 
tion of the knack for attesting correctly/'" 

In chemistry, as far as I know, no work has been done 
to show the relation between that science and psychology. 
The only reference to the application of the latter to the 
former is found in Munsterberg's Psychotechnik, and the fol- 
lowing sentences are largely a resume of a paragraph or two 
of the book. 

The chemist, like the physicist, has many objective criteria 
at his command, it is true, but finally he must resort to his 
senses; and the senses to which he appeals are even more 
in number than those the physicist has occasion to employ, for 
not only must he use his eyes and fingers and possibly the 
ears, but has also to gain most of his information through 
the senses of smell and taste. Of course the chemist has 
his test-tubes and his formulae, but these are no good to him 
unless he has full possession of all his senses. 

In this respect the following quotation from Miinster- 
berg's book is significant. " When the chemist, let us say, 
finds that the intensity of the sour taste does not altogether 
correspond to the chemical grade of acidity, it will be due to 
purely physiological conditions at the surface of the tongue, 
whereas the after-effect and combination of tastes which is so 
important for the chemist might readily lead us to the psy- 
chophysiological." But that is not enough, we are told a 
little further. The chemist like the psychologist must be 
aware of the' fact, e. g., " that the perception of humidity 
may come about through the touch and temperature sensa- 
tions without there being any objective stimulus of dampness 
at all; or that the impression of softness could be got from 
a hard surface if the skin-spot that is brought in contact with 
it had first been rubbed against a rough surface."^® 

When we come to think of how much pains chemists have 
taken to know every detail of all the material they employ, 
while taking no account of their internal instruments, the 
sense organs, it is astonishing. The time is yet to come when 
an accident, such as the disagreement of chemists on matters 
of fact, will lead to the belated recognition of the value of 
applied psychology for chemistry. 

"Baade: Aussagen iiber phys. Demon., Zt. fur angewandte Psych., 
vol. 4, 191 1, p. 281. 
i« Psychotechnik, p. 683. 


In geology there are fewer chances of going wrong on the 
pure data, but to make up for this, there is a great scope 
for interpretation, and that means that wrong interpretation 
is just as likely to trap the geologist as the correct one. Where 
reconstruction plays a great part, as in geology and many 
branches of zoology,, one must be on his guard against un- 
welcome influences such as suggestibility, imagination, and 
other purely psychological factors which will be mentioned 
later. It is very easy to mistake certain marks for fossils or 
footprints, if one has a pet theory that he wishes to be con- 
firmed. It is perhaps well for an Agassiz to reconstruct an 
animal out of a couple of bones, but how many are there 
who nourish their extravagant views by making use of doubt- 
ful results? 

,As for geography, topography, and physiography, psycho- 
logy can do distinct service in this field in spite of the many 
measuring-instruments that are to guarantee the accuracy of 
the records. Of course the measuring of mountains by the 
aid of barometers and trigonometric calculations has all the 
advantages that modem science could offer, but the traveler 
has to judge and make estimates at a distance many times 
under the most unfavorable atmospheric conditions, and it is 
here that he encounters difficulties, difficulties which psy- 
chology might not^ obviate, but, at least, it would help to 
make him more circumspect. 

Before one is about to examine a particular locality in 
detail, he must decide beforehand whether it would be of 
any advantage or expedient to examine that place, and that 
he must do at a distance, making a number of estimates. His 
field glasses and other instruments may be of great service 
to him, but they would not rid him altogether of some illusions. 
The illusions may be due to the overestimation of the vertical 
lines as against the horizontal ones or vice versa. They may 
be caused by incorrect impressions of background, slopes, 
colors and many other wrong perceptions. 

It is interesting to note in this connection that Miinsterberg 
was struck with the singular difficulty in estimating correctly 
the height of certain points facing the traveler while descend- 
ing or ascending a slope. This formed the starting-point for 
an investigation on the Subjective Horizon carried out by 
Robert MacDougall. According to MacDougall, the plane is 
"determined by the positions of the observing eye and the 
perspective focus. Spatial relationship becomes a temporary 
subjective horizon."" In his experiments, MacDougall intro- 
duced at one time a descending plane, at another, an ascending 

^''Harvard Psychol Studies, vol. i„ p.. i66. 


plane. The former led to the lowering of the apparent hori- 
zon, while the ascending plane did the reverse, i. e., it elevated 
the horizon. The results seem to explain why the area of a 
level ground at the foot of a hill when one is descending it 
is always taken to be an opposing rise." There are a host 
of other problems that could be taken up in a similar way and 
worked out in the laboratory for the benefit of the geograph- 
ical sciences. 

There is no need to refer at present to mineralogy or 
zoology and botany in particular. The methods of these vary 
but little from those of the other natural sciences, and so the 
conclusions arrived at already might be applied mutatis mutan- 
dis to the former. 

The physician, too, has not a little to learn from psychology. 
In the " Psychotechnik "^* our attention is drawn to the fact 
that where slight tumors or swellings appear as symptoms, it 
may be a serious matter if the physician could not determine 
their nature and should allow them to develop until it is top 
late. Of signal importance for the practitioner is also his 
ability to use the stethoscope and stethometer and go through - 
the percussion in the most satisfactory manner so as not to 
endanger the life of the patient. The same holds true in 
measuring the pressure of the blood or in feeling the pulse. 
Not alone the ears and fingers must be in sound condition, 
but the physician must not allow himself to be disturbed by 
psychological factors. 

In anthropology Marbe mentions the work of Myers and 
Rivers among the Torres Islanders. It is difficult, however, 
to see why anthropology should be called a natural science 
any more than a psychological. The pure bodily measurements 
are it is true physical, but they have no value unless psycho- 
logically correlated and explained.*^ You can study the struc- 
ture of any organ without requiring to know anything about 
the psychology of the organism, but in order to measure the 
cephalic index of people, you must set out with certain psycho- 
logical data from the persons you are measuring ; for instance, 
when Boas tells us that the heads of new settlers, in the 
second generation, tend to take on the shape of the native 
American heads,*^ the statement is uninforming unless we 
kno>v the psychological status, the mental make-up of the 

18 Ibid., 163. 

i» Psychotechnik, p. 685. 

20 Boas ("Psychological Problems in Anthropology," in American 
Journal of Psychology, vol. XXI, 1910). emphasizes this point theoret- 
ically; yet it seems he does not adhere to it in practice, as will be 
seen presently. 

«i F. Boas : The Mind of Primitive Man, Chap. II. 


subject. The subject may have become totally assimilated or 
he may have clung steadfastly to the traditions and culture 
of his own nationality, and it makes quite a difference as to 
which it is. A crucial test of the situation would be to com- 
pare the children of thoroughly Americanized foreigners with 
those of unassimilated immigrants of equally long standing. 
Besides, a certain type is correlated with a certain people 
showing that the anthropological data are to be guided and 
confirmed only on the basis of psychology. That, however, 
is a side issue. 

In addition to the psycho-physiological influences and 
sources of error, we must not forget the purely psychological 
factors. Scientists are just as liable to succumb to suggestion 
even though of an impersonal nature, to lapses of memory, 
lack of attention, etc., as is the layman. They may have their 
individual prejudices and, as a consequence, anticipate things 
they like, or fail to see objects to which they are averse just 
as much as the ordinary man. Miinsterberg observes that 
some investigators may even be subject to a degree of suggesti- 
bility higher than the normal. It is only thus that we can 
explain the susceptibility of men like Sir Oliver Lodge and 
Sir William Crookes, to spiritualistic phenomena. 

It is clear that the dictum " Know thyself " applies to the 
natural scientist in just as equal a measure as to any other 
man, and perhaps more since it is only by knowing himself 
that he can know his science. In an experimental study of 
Belief,^* the fact was revealed that the trained psychologists 
rated their beliefs more consistently and in general, their 
results were more satisfactory than others who had acted as 
subjects. This suggests according to Sumner that the good 
introspector knows more about what he believes than the 
poor introspector who states generally what he thinks he 

So far we have dealt only with the individual differences 
or general deviations in particular respects. We must now 
approach the subject from a slightly different angle. The 
upshot of all that has been said above is a warning held out 
to the investigators of natural science, a warning that is sure 
to be well taken by all scientists. Prognosis here does not 
hold except in the sense that if one takes heed of the warning, 
his result will be more accurate than if he did not; but that 
is a truism. There is no definite forecasting about that. 

It is possible, however, to regard scientists as members 
of a class or group and treat them under the heading of 
" group psychology." The fact that one is a naturalist means 

" Study of Belief. Psych. Review, 1898, vol. 5. 


that his psychical equipment is of a sinular kind to another 
who is in the same field. One does not accidentally become 
a physicist or chemist, as is the case with tradespeople, and 
even tradespeople have certain features in common that they 
may have acquired. 

If then such types should really be discerned among the 
scientists we should gain a great deal not only for collective 
psychology, but for pedagogy and science as well. The role 
of prognosis here is very marked, for when we do come to 
the conclusion that X is of such and such a type, we might know 
just what kind of a science he is most adapted to. We may 
possibly be able to tell what X's views will be in other branches 
than his own and so make allowance for the type prejudice. 
In short we should know just how far to follow a particular 
investigator and where to stop. 

Generally speaking, it seems that types of scientists do 
exist. The philologist is a diflFerent sort of an investigator 
from the physicist or chemist. The latter are more prone 
to positivism through metaphysical skepticism. That there is 
some basis for a division into types can be inferred from the 
phrase " Scepticisme du savant '* which is practically identical 
with positivism. An extensive study of applied biography in 
the sense that Ostwald's book " Grosse Manner " may be con- 
sidered, would settle no doubt the question for us. At present 
one cannot help noticing that our great naturalists seem to 
avoid the plateau of pure metaphysics and epistemology. 
Instead, their temperamental skepticism leads them either 
to soar to the heights of spiritualism or else to precipitate 
themselves into the abyss of materialism. They scarcely see 
any middle course open to them. The world of pure concepts 
has no charm for them. 

Is it not characteristic that Huxley, Haeckel, Mach, Hertz, 
Kirchoff, Verwom, Ostwald, Jacques Loeb should emphasise 
the materialistic side of philosophy, while again on the extreme 
opposite we find even more illustrious names from Pascal 
down to Lodge? 

Another classification may be had on the basis of race or 
nationality. It is said that science has no nationality. This 
is quite true, but scientists nevertheless show the distinct char- 
acteristics of their people in their works. That phlegmatic 
England should produce a Darwin and Wallace, a Newton and 
a Faraday all of whom would correspond to the classical type 
of Ostwald's classification, is worthy of mention. 

Other divisions have been suggested among the naturalists. 
In mathematics, Poincare^" tells us, there are the logicians 

23 Poincare : Value of Science, p. 15. 


who advance only step by step like Meray who even sets 
about proving that an angle may be subdivided, while on the 
other hand there is the intuitionist who makes "quick but 
precarious conquests." It would therefore be very important 
to know which is which, so that we might benefit by the 
breadth of view of the latter and the impeccable accuracy of 
the former. 

Ostwald's division of great men into two types, the classic 
and the romantic, is also valuable for the same reason. It 
furthermore gives us a clue to a whole department of cultural 
and distribution. If the romanticist is the more stimulating, the 
more interesting of the two, and exercises the greater influence 
over people, he ought to be the teacher, while the classic type 
should do all the research and direct the laboratory — work in 
which accuracy and rigor deserve the premium. Ach's^* adop- 
tion of the old 4 types of temperaments, with the addition of a 
fifth, the besonnene type, may be reduced to Ostwald's two 
types, although the information Ach gives us on the inner 
determination of each of the five types must not be neglected 
in estimating the reliability of a scientist's work. Several 
other classifications have been proposed, including Buckle's 
into synthetic and analytic or deductive 'and inductive types, 
but the point is not to obtain suitable names so much as to 
ascertain what psychological factors constitute the differences 
in the various types. 

Nor again does the fact that one belongs predominantly 
to a certain type detract from his work. The view of Poincare 
that the " two sorts of minds are equally necessary for the 
progress of the world " is beyond question. Since it is not 
given to every scientist to develop the perfect blend of types, 
the next best thing is for every one to cultivate the type that 
is natural' to him as well as he can. The division of scientists 
into types may not have any influence upon the scientists 
in the way of correction, but it would act as a guiding star 
in making decisions upon the views of others. 

We see, therefore, that while earlier in the paper, the 
psychologist was represented as addressing himself to the 
scientist with a mere warning, he now does not venture to 
correct the scientist as to his temperament. Such a course 
would be neither right nor useful. Cattell in his " Statistical 
Studies of American Men of Science "*** aptly remarks that 
whereas very many complain of having a bad memory or 
other defect, we seldom find one who deliberately owns up 
to a defect of judgment. The reason for this diflFerence, I 

2* Ach : t)ber den Willensakt und das Temperament, last chapter. 
2* Science, 1906. 3 articles. 


think, is obvious. In the first place, a defect of memory is 
easily proven, while bad judgment, on the whole, is some- 
thing that does not readily lend itself to conviction, because 
there is no definite standard for judgment, in the first instance. 
Secondly, the faculty of judgment seems to be the expression 
of a fnan, something he identifies himself with, and so he 
regards his own judgment as good as the next man's. The 
same holds true of temperament. Although every man might 
think it ideal to possess a harmonious combination of both the 
classic and the romantic temperaments, it need not surprise 
us, however, that the one of the classic type regards himself 
as good as the other and vice versa, and with reason. 

In this matter, then, the psychologist has nothing to do 
with the scientist as representative of his own science. He 
now gives his results to the world at large; and these results, 
after the question o'f types is carefully studied, would have 
to be more definite than the mere " Beware " he held out to 
the scientist. He now not only picks a, flaw, but states what 
may actually be expected under the conditions. Here we 
have a certain prognostication, but here there is also a human 
objective — the naturalist, since the applied psychologist sets 
up an interaction between the personality of the naturalist and 
that of his students. The human relation and prognostication 
go together as suggested earlier in the paper. 


E. H. Fish, Employment Manager, Norton Company, Worcester, Mass. 

This country which for so many years seemed blessed 
with unlimited resources is finding itself checked for lack 
of human power. We have perhaps led the world in what 
are known abroad as " Yankee tricks " in industry and agri- 
culture, which consist for the most part in the application of 
mechanical devices to work which might otherwise be done 
by hand. 

In spite of this the development of our natural resources 
has made necessary the importation of great numbers of 
workers from other jcountries less fortunate in their natural 
possessions. We had assimilated the races of Northern Eur- 
ope and were becoming accustomed to those from the South 
and even the East, when the World War placed an embargo 
on these importations. 

Previous to that time our treatment of workmen was on a 
par with the utter wastefulness with which we cut down our 
forests and mined and cultivated only the richest lands. If a 
workman decided to leave us on the impulse of the moment, 
or if a foreman showed favoritism, or was arbitrary and un- 
reasonable we simply shrugged our shoulders, admitted that 
it was wrong, and went on our way undisturbed, knowing 
that a dozen men were ready and anxious to step into his 

Today all this is reversed. Employers are wondering where 
the workmen are to come from for the natural growth of 
business, to say nothing of those for large extensions they 
would like to build. They see still greater difficulty as the 
country is drawn into the war, and they see no relief with 
the coming of peace. The rebuilding of what has been de- 
stroyed will demand all the labor of those who live to be 
released from military service. Women who are content to 
work in shops to relieve the strain of worry about dear ones 
in the fighting line will return to their natural functions. Men 
will follow their natural longings and will return to the lands 
of their youth. 

This leaves us only the Chinese and East Indian races from 
which to draw additional labor. Neither of these races assimi- 
late readily with other races even in this vast melting pot. 

162 FISH 

Our greatest source of labor lies in making that which we 
have doubly efficient. 

A few years ago this coming need was seen and partially 
met by a few men under the leadership of Dr* Fred W. 
Taylor and christened " Scientific Management." Dr. Taylor 
showed the enormity of the waste due to inefficient methods 
and incomplete mechanical aids to doing work. 

He however almost entirely ignored the human element or 
at the best dismissed it with the thought that any desired 
result can be obtained if the worker is given a slight increase 
in wages. 

It is only within the past three years that the great waste 
due to the thoughtless hiring and discharge of employees has 
been seriously considered. It was found that men average 
to stay less than a year on each job. There are approximately 
40,000,000 working people in the United States and nearly 
50,000,000 changes in work each year each of which calls 
for a considerable expenditure in training for the new job. 
The cost in wages lost, in spoiled work, in time of foreman 
or instructor consumed, ranges from less than ten dollars in 
the case of a laborer to a thousand dollars or more for men 
in executive positions. If we assume the average cost of 
changing jobs to be $25, which is surely conservative, the loss 
to the country is a round billion dollars each year. 

This loss can be reduced. It ought not to be cut down to 
the point where promotion is discouraged, but there is a 
large range of inefficiency before that point is reached. 

The first essential to stability of empiloyment in any firm 
is that there shall be a constant and sufficient supply of appli- 
cations for work so that a proper selection may be made for 
the various positions which arise. 

The best class of men are careful in choosing the place 
where they will work when circumstances allow it. They 
are more apt to be influenced by what people who are already 
working in that plant say to them than they are by advertise- 
ments. While advertisements draw considerable number of 
people they are very apt to draw the class known as floaters 
and others who are by no means desirable. 

From this it is easy to determine that the first essential 
is that the shop shall be comfortable in both a physical and 
a mental way. Good, well lighted buildings, as clean as the 
work allows, well ventilated, warm in winter, cool in summer, 
plenty of machinery and tools for the comfortable production 
of work, foremen and associates kindly and just in their action, 
all make a shop attractive; but even when men are working 
in a shop where their only contact with each other and the 


management is through their work, there is danger that each 
will get wrong impressions of the other. To offset this there 
is a real necessity of a semi-social contact in which entire 
democracy is evident. Such activities as ball games, both 
inter-departmental and outside, dances under proper care, 
parades and picnics, in which the management and office 
mingle freely with the shop and which permit of a spirit 
similar to that found in educational institutions and expressed 
in shop yells and celebration of victories, have a value which 
is evidenced by an immediate increase in the number and 
quality of applicants for jobs, which in itself almost justifies 
the expense which such things involve. 

Having secured an abundant supply of people from whom 
to select, the next problem is to select the men for the jobs 
which are required or to find positions in the shop for those 
who come who are especially likely appearing people. Various 
methods of selection have been proposed from time to time, 
varying all the way from palmistry and phrenology to psy- 
chological tests. Most of these are reluctantly received by 
the average employer who still depends on what he chooses 
to term " common-sense." 

Common-sense reduced to scientific terms becomes a matter 
of judgment from historical records, that is, the assumption 
is made that a man who has worked at a given kind of work, 
has been successful at it, will probably be successful in similar 
work or if he shows signs of initiative and activity coupled 
with a spirit of co-operation may be expected to hold positions 
somewhat more important than those which he has held in 
the past. 

Above all things the employer wishes to know what the 
attitude of his employee is toward work. A man whose ques- 
tions indicate that he does not want to come too early in the 
morning nor stay too late at night, or who is too particular 
about the specific kind of work which he shall do, is apt to 
be looked on with some degree of suspicion. If, on the other 
hand, the candidate shows that he has thought the matter 
out and has decided that he wishes to work for the company 
to which he is applying and is willing to take some sort of 
a position, even though it might not be the one which he 
would like, in the belief that he can make it lead him into the 
kind of a position which he wishes, then it is almost always 
safe to assume that the company can afford to employ him 
even though they may have to make an opening for him for 
the time being. 

Knowledge of the work to be done is of varying degrees 
of importance according to the department or the kind of 

164 FISH 

work which it is expected that he will undertake. In some 
places it is really more important that the man shall come 
with an open mind not influenced by previous experience 
in that particular work and yet in still others it is possible to 
find men whose training either at school or in a trade school 
has been such as to make him immediately valuable in many 
different lines of work. 

It is the custom in many places to analyze the jobs in each 
shop with the idea that the person who is doing the selecting 
of help will be guided by those analyses. It seems, however, 
much wiser that no one should be allowed to make a selec- 
tion of employees who is not sufficiently familiar by actual 
personal contact with the work which the employee is to be 
called on to do, so that he can tell without hesitation whether 
the man who is applying could be expected to do the work 
successfully or not. In any given concern if the men who arc 
doing the hiring are skilful at the trade which is the most 
difficult to learn, •they will usually find very little difficulty 
in securing sufficient familiarity with the other trades, so that 
their selection can be made readily and with a considerable 
degree of security. 

After it is determined that a given applicant has a sufficient 
knowledge of the work, if any is necessary, the next thing 
which is sometimes considered is his activity. There are 
of course many positions where an active man will not be 
contented ; there are many positions where all that is required 
is his presence. He must be able and willing to act when the 
time comes but the rest of the time he is simply waiting. On 
the other hand, in manufacturing industries especially, it is 
necessary that the larger proportion of men have considerable 
activity. This can be judged in the new candidate by observ- 
ing the way in which he acts while under question and, barring 
a tendency on the part of some to a nervous activity tem- 
porary or permanent, there is little difficulty in judging this 
point. Again, an active man will usually show in his records 
that he has worked the longest on jobs requiring some con- 
siderable activity ; while the inactive man will also have stayed 
the longest on jobs which did not require much action. 

The initiative of the applicant is something which is rather 
difficult to get at, but it can usually be discovered by engaging 
the man in conversation and finding out what he does of his 
own volition. The use which he makes of his leisure tinle 
is oftentimes indicative of what he would do if he were in 
business for himself and what he will do in an emergency 
for the people who employ him. Here again the amount of 
initiative must be tempered somewhat by the position which 


is to be filled, for example a man of high initiative would 
not be successful as a watchman because he would not be 
contented there nor will he be contented in work of a routine 
nature where the repetition is constant. 

Again the employer is very much concerned with the prob- 
able loyalty of his workmen. It is generally accepted that a 
man who will stand by the concern with which he works is 
more valuable than the man, no matter how brilliant he may 
be, who is all the time thinking of ways in which he can get 
even with his employer. This is, however, easily discovered 
by inquiring as to his feelings toward previous employers. 
We of course are willing to allow every man one or two 
previous employers for whom he has comparatively little 
use, but if we find that his attitude toward all previous em- 
ployers is that they did not treat him in the right way, we 
cannot help but feel that he probably will think the same of us. 

Courtesy is another element of really considerable impor- 
tance. While it may seem as though a man working at a 
lathe or bench might be fully as valuable to us even though 
he were discourteous, at the same time the efficiency of the 
shop as a whole is lowered by too great a number of men 
who are habitual grouches. A shop where everybody is feel- 
ing good natured can be keyed up to pretty rapid production 
without tiring the men or without their feeling that they are 
in any way being driven, while a shop which is not good 
natured, where the people are all the time suspicious of each 
other and of the firm, cannot be expected to manifest nearly 
the efficiency of the other. 

Sobriety, It goes without saying in these days that no 
employer wishes to have any of his men under the influence 
of liquor either while they are in the shop or at any other 
time, because we all realize now that a man is stupefied to 
some extent even by what is known as moderate drinking, 
that is, if a man is a habitual small drinker and is capable 
and well esteemed it is pretty certain that if he could be per- 
suaded to abstain entirely he would be of much more value 
to his employer. Sobriety can only be judged by past records 
except as the man may be thrown off his guard somewhat 
when he is asked about it. Any man who is asked whether 
he is a drinking man or not will usually indignantly reply 
that he is not, whereas if he is asked what he drinks or how 
often he takes a drink it is very possible that he may tell the 
truth without thinking about it. 

We also wish to be certain that whomever we employ is 
a booster rather than a knocker. The man who runs down 
everybody with whom he has had relations, who slurs the 

166 FISH 

people for whom he has worked, the city in which he lives 
and all of his relations, is in very great danger of doing the 
same for the new concern which hires him. As a usual tfiing, 
if a man is a knocker it comes out in the course of conversa- 
tion without any direct questioning, but in some cases a word 
or two will let loose the torrent and we find out immediately 
just what kind of a man we are talking with. 

Again in a great many cases we are very much interested 
in the man's attitude toward improvement, his ambition, 
whether he is willing to do anything himself to improve his 
condition or whether he is one of those who are content with 
what they have and wish for nothing more. There are, of 
course, a great many places where the latter class of people 
are the only ones who will stay long on a job, and it is for 
that kind of a job which we must select them. On the other 
hand, we all wish to have among us a considerable number 
of people whose willingness to improve themselves is not only 
good but who will make the effort on their own account to do 
so. A man who will take a correspondence course probably 
has this quality, even though we may suspect that his work 
may not have given him the benefit which he expected when 
he took it. People who have attended night school for any 
considerable length of time have most certainly a considerable 
degree of willingness to improve themselves, and it is certain 
that they have made considerable sacrifice in order to do so. 
Such men are probably likely to make considerable effort to 
better their condition when they are working for us. 

Stability, the one thing for which we have been searching 
through all this inquiry so far, is of course dependent to a 
considerable extent on the surroundings in which the man finds 
himself ; but even in the best of surroundings a man who has 
previously been going from one job to another without any 
apparent settled purpose, is very apt to go from us to the 
next firm with as little provocation. On the other hand, every 
reason which he gives for moving from one place to another 
should be given full weight, for there are, of course, a great 
many times when a man secures a much better opportunity 
soon after he has gone on a new job. On the other hand, a 
man whose stability is evidenced by having worked for a 
given concern for a great many years where there has been 
no change in his work, is always more or less of a dangerous 
man to employ because he is apt to become homesick and wish 
that he was back on the old job where he did not have to 
think about anything new. However, enough such cases turn 
out well so that not too much attention should be paid to 
*iiis point. 


When the new man has been selected, that is only a be- 
ginning and does not determine how long the man may stay 
with us. In order to insure that he is placed in a position 
which he can hold with comfort and satisfaction to himself, 
it is highly desirable that he be given a thorough physical 
examination which will point out any physical defects which a 
certain kind of work might accentuate. If such defects are 
found, it is necessary to select for him some other kind of 
work than that first intended which will enable him to be 
comfortable while working. A man with flat feet should not 
be placed upon a standing job unless he is provided with 
suitable plates; a man who has heart disease should not be 
placed where he will have to work in the heat or where he 
will have to make sudden exertions; men with hernia should 
not be allowed to take positions where there is heavy lifting, 
and so on covering the various and common human ailments, 
many of which are unknown to those who are afflicted with 
them and many of which men will conceal if possible in hopes 
of getting by and getting a position which will give them at 
least a little temporary work while they are looking around 
for still other employment with somebody else. 

After they are placed on the job it is necessary to follow 
them up and see that the work is proving itself suitable for 
them and that they are adapting themselves to the work. 
This can be done either by asking the foreman under whom 
they work to give his opinion as to their capacity and their 
degree of co-operation or it may be done by some person from 
the employment department who approaches the matter per- 
haps with a little less bias. The combination of the two is 
the safest. 

It is generally accepted that a man who is a failure in the 
first department to which he is assigned should be given an 
opportunity in some other department. It is not always the 
man who is physically or mentally fitted for a job who suc- 
ceeds, because we have also to deal with the disposition and 
tendencies of the foreman- with whom he comes in contact. 
Some foremen are constructive and are able to develop the 
best there is in men who come under them. ' Other foremen 
tend to break down ability rather than to build it up. Men 
of the latter type must be furnished with workmen who are 
of exceptionally strong characters and almost stubborn in their 
natures, while the first can use men who build up the organiza- 
tion of the concern by making more and more out of the men 
under him all the time. 

In addition to the following up of the men inside the works, 
it is also desirable that men absent on account of accident. 

168 FISH 

absent from work without notice and sicknesses should be 
followed up by some one representing the employer who will 
take an interest, which will not however be paternal in any 
sense, in the man's welfare. This interest is surely a business 
one and one which after a little time becomes accepted by 
both the company and the employee as a matter of fact and 
nothing to be at all surprised about. It is the kind of interest 
which the employer himself took years ago when his organiza- 
tion was small enough so that he was personally acquainted 
with all of his subordinates. 

A great deal is being done to improve safety in our shops. 
Much of it is prompted in spite of the considerable expense 
incurred, by the compensation acts in different states, but it 
has an equally important bearing on the relations of the com- 
pany to its employees and their length of service. It has been 
found that less than one-quarter of all the accidents which 
occur are preventable by means of mechanical safe-guards, but 
it is necessary that they shall be furnished as an evidence of 
good faith on the part of the employer, showing the workmen 
that it is his intention to do his part towards making work 
safe. Almost all men and especially those with families will 
greatly prefer to work in a shop that has the reputation of 
being safe, but a large part of real safety work consists in 
educating the men, all of them, in safe practises, and it is a part 
of the duty of a Safety Engineering Department to discover 
safe practises which are rapid and easily performed so that 
production is not decreased, for both men and employers are 
equally concerned that rapidity of production is as great as is 
consistent with good quality of work and long life of the 
employee and the machinery which he uses. 

Other problems which confront the employer who finds it 
profitable to have his factory removed from the center of 
the population are those relating to transportation, housing, 
and feeding. It may be generally accepted that an employee 
considers his working day as lasting from the time he leaves 
his home in the morning until he returns at night and his 
idea of whether he is receiving good pay is based on the 
length of those hours rather than on the hours which he 
spends inside of the shop. Rapid and comfortable methods 
of getting back and forth from home to the shop then have 
a really considerable bearing on the rate of pay which is given. 
This involves three items; getting from work to the cars or 
whatever means of transportation is offered, quickly and 
easily, which often means that trains or cars must be run 
directly into the yard of the company so that the shortest 
space of time is used inside of the works. Then, securing 


of seating capacity or nearly enough seating capacity to take 
care of all employees, especially when they are coming out 
in the morning and when they may lose considerable of their 
productive ability through becoming tired before they are 
able to work at all. The rapidity with which the cars move 
to their destination and the distribution of the men to their 
homes is particularly important, that is, a factory established 
in the outskirts of a town which has a good transfer system 
is better than one whose employees are simply dropped at a 
central point and must walk considerable distances to their 

Housing is of great importance because we realize that 
men who are able to secure suitable accommodations for 
themselves alone or for their families, if they have them, 
within walking distance from the work are very much more 
apt to become permanent members of an organization. It 
must be taken into consideration, however, that mere furnish- 
ing of housing facilities is not enough. The houses must be 
sufficiently varied in their architecture and in such surround- 
ings as are attractive. The typical mill village of New England 
does not appeal to the class of people whom we desire. 
Again, it is necessary that any community shall have its op- 
portunity for amusement. A village some distance from a 
large city which affords no moving pictures, no libraries, no 
dances, no socials, no soda fountain or any of the things 
which are attractive to both young and old cannot compete 
with a location nearer to the center of a large population. 

Another matter which vitally affects those who are located 
away from" the center of population is the feeding of their 
employees. A cold lunch brought from home is probably 
less expensive than any other meal which will keep a workman 
alive during the working day, but the low cost is often imag- 
inary because it does not take into consideration the time 
spent in putting it up or the waste in strength from not 
having proper food in the middle of the day. Among brain 
workers it is an open question whether it would not be better 
to almost entirely omit the mid-day meal and consolidate the 
whole time in continuous work, but among those whose work 
is largely physical, it seems to be necessary that a division 
should be made and that enough food should be taken to 
renew the strength which was brought to the shop in the 
morning. The fatigue periods about 10 :00 to 11 KX) o'clock 
in the morning and 4 :00 to 5 :00 o'clock in the afternoon are 
quite readily noted and are being met in several places now 
by the installation of what are named " milk stations " or 
places where milk, buttermilk or some beverage like ginger-ale 

170 FISH 

can be purchased at cost or near it. While these fatigue 
periods occur at about that time, it is probably wise to keep 
these stations open from comparatively early in the morning 
until the latter part of the afternoon. Experience with these 
stations indicates that men do not abuse them, for they are 
largely patronized by men who are working at piece rates 
and who would not go to them if they did not feel that their 
production was advanced by so doing. Again, it is found that 
only a very small proportion of the people who use these 
stations take more than three drinks per day; the large 
majority taking two, one in the morning and one in the after- 
noon. It is also found that the very great majority of people 
drink either milk or buttermilk and only a comparatively few 
take ginger-ale or anything which is not highly nutritive. In 
some places chewing gum and chocolate is also sold, the 
chewing gum to take the place of snuff which is so often 
chewed in the shop, and the chocolate because it is both candy 
and food. The effect of such serving of milk during working 
hours has been quite noticeable in cutting down the amount 
of liquor men have gone out after. At the regular meal times 
there seems to be a decided advantage in giving men an oppor- 
tunity to secure something warm in the form of a stew or a 
soup, or at least, hot coffee. This is of course particularly 
noticeable in the winter months when the additional nutrition 
is necessary. It is also wise to have the men go to certain 
eating places rather than allow them, as many will if they 
can, to hide themselves in comers and behind machinery so 
as to keep away from each other rather than congregating 
together. The little danger that there might be in having 
large numbers of men come together in one eating place that 
those among them who were in any way disgruntled, would 
start dissension which would spread among them may be 
offset by furnishing music or moving pictures or other enter- 
tainment of similar kind. 

It is however, necessary that people be given the kind of 
food which they ought to have for the sake of building up 
their strength and also the kind of food which they desire 
and to which they have become accustomed through long 
habits. Some employers •have even taken such an advanced 
position in this as to declare that it would be cheaper for 
them to give their employees the proper kind of food if they 
would eat it, than to sell them the kind which they wish to 
buy. Here again the effect is psychological, because people 
who are accustomed to eating large quantities of food do not 
feel themselves sufficiently well sustained unless their already 
distended organs are filled to the maximum, so that it is 


necessary to furnish them with a considerable amount of chaff 
in proportion to the nutriment offered. 

As suggested in the earlier parts of this article, in almost 
every industry considerable ntunbers of men must be em- 
ployed who have had no previous experience in that industry. 
Various attempts have been made by the schools to supple- 
ment this work by furnishing trained mechanics. In some 
lines where the methods of a great number of shops are 
very much alike it is possible to give fundamental training 
which is equally applicable in all. On the other hand, there 
are great numbers of men who are employed in industries 
where the work is not merely practised in different ways in 
different shops but where the processes in each shop are each 
considered secret, and it is utterly impossible for the schools 
to find out what the employers wish their trained help to do. 
In all such instances as this where it is necessary either 
through lack of men sufficiently well trained or because the 
processes are different from those in otner shops, it is neces- 
sary that the shop shall furnish its own training department. 
More often than not, however, this training is scattered pro- 
miscuously through the works and through the office and little 
or no attention is paid to it, because the owners do not 
recognize that their establishment is to a very great extent an 
educational institution. 

If records are kept which indicate the men who are hired 
purposely to become learners, that is, men who do not bring 
with them specific training that is of value to the company, 
then it becomes evident that separate training courses are 
extremely desirable. These training courses may range all 
the way from one for operatives in a shop in which the 
men are taught a single operation and are expected to follow 
tfiat to the exclusion of others during the time which they 
work for the company, up to those which involve a varied 
experience in different departments of the shop and in the 
office and which call for special training and special instruc- 
tors for a given service. It has been found that men who 
are thus given a thorough opportunity to learn and know the 
work which they are expected to do and to know the reason 
why what is expected of them is required are very much 
more inclined to stay for long periods of time with the com- 
pany which has paid that much attention to them. In other 
words, it appears to be provable that it is very much worth 
while to spend considerable sums of money in training men 
for the work which they are to do and also giving them a 
thorough insight into the relation of that work to the work 
which is done by others so that, in a measure they become a 

172 FISH 

portion of the company, understanding and comprehending its 
aims and aspirations. 

Many firms have placed much faith in life insurance for 
their employees. The good intentions back of this movement 
and the very evident economy of insurance at wholesale rates 
should be provocative of good results. On the other hand, 
the cash value of such small policies as most firms have seen 
fit to issue is so small that workmen could hardly afford to 
lose a chance to earn more money elsewhere. There appears 
to be a feeling on the part of workmen that life insurance 
as offered by employers is a kind of bait which they distrust. 
This is not strange when we consider how much time and 
effort is necessary to convince well educated men to take out 

Pensions also have a negligible effect on the present prob- 
lem. They are so long deferred that they have no appeal to 
an employee during the part of his life when he is most 

Unfortunately, in spite of all our best endeavors men are 
leaving our industrial concerns in large numbers at all times, 
and it becomes necessary in order to reduce this large flow 
through our work to discover the reason why people leave 
and what may be done to cure them. In order to do this it 
is not enough to know the reason why the foreman in charge 
of a given room thinks his men left him, it is necessary to 
interview the man and to interview him in such a way that 
he feels confident that we are not inquiring into his personal 
affairs but that we have a real interest in his welfare and in 
those of the rest of our employees. Above all, it is necessary 
that every man who leaves shall, so far as possible, do it 
with a good taste in his mouth and in the belief that the 
company has seriously endeavored to treat him as it should. 

Very often it is found, after making a study of the reasons 
why men leave a given department, that much of it is due to 
some cause which can be easily remedied, or, in other in- 
stances, causes which will be expensive to remedy but which 
the large number of men leaving and the cost of training 
new men fully justifies. For example, if it is known that 
during a given year a thousand men leave a certain depart- 
ment and it costs $50 each to train others to take their places, 
it is readily seen that an investment of several thousand dollars 
may be made in improving conditions in that department and 
still expect a very handsome return for the money expended. 
Such things however, when left merely to guess work and 
impression, are apt to have very little weight with the powers 
who have the spending of money. 


Finally, a few men in every shop prove to have been un- 
suitable men or have changed their ways so that it is neces- 
sary to dispense with their services. This, however, is one 
of the things which should never be done in anger or in haste, 
but the men should understand that the action of their fore- 
man in this same respect is subject to review, and if the 
foreman has been unjust, he will be persuaded to do what 
is right. When it is first proposed that the foreman's dis- 
charge shall not be final but that it shall be subject to review 
by some one else, there is apt to be a feeling among them 
that the sole prerogative which makes it possible for them 
to maintain discipline has been taken away. Experience, how- 
ever, has proved that this is not so and that the foreman 
is in no wise handicapped but rather is aided because it 
makes it necessary or desirable for him to think twice before 
he takes this hasty action. It, of course, is necessary that 
the foreman be convinced of the error of his judgment before 
a man is reinstated in his department whom he has once 
requested be dismissed; but since the larger part of our 
troubles are due to the result of misunderstanding, if there 
is provided a neutral party, like an employment department, 
to which appeal can be taken, it is likely that misunderstand- 
ings will be readily straightened out and a much better feeling 
will prevail. 

Fluctuation in employment .has a most dangerous effect upon 
the men employed. If it becomes known in any shop or de- 
partment that people have been discharged or laid off for 
lack of work, it is very probable that such a discharge will 
be followed by many resignations from people who are afraid 
to stay longer for fear that their turn will come next and 
who attempt to secure employment elsewhere where they 
have a feeling that their tenure will be longer. It seems to 
be a very wise thing in hiring people if it is known that their 
employment is only temporary that it shall be distinctly so 
understood at the start, and that everybody else in the depart- 
ment shall understand it that way so that when it becomes 
necessary to reduce the force, these people may be dispensed 
with without any upsetting of the feelings of others. Again, 
it is almost impossible for any man to accomplish as much 
if he sees the pile of work dwindling away and not being 
replenished. Under such circimistances, it is very easy for 
almost any workman to reduce his efficiency by even 50% 
without its being noticed by a foreman. Therefore, it seems 
very desirable and necessary that so far as possible fluctuation 
should not be allowed in a department beyond those which 
are taken care of by the natural flow of men through the 

174 FISH 

works. That is, if it is necessary that a given department 
should be reduced in numbers, it can usually be done by 
simply ceasing to hire new people and waiting for those who 
would naturally leave to get through. 

From what has gone before, it may be readily judged that 
the work of the employment manager is one which really 
comprises a study of human nature all the way from the 
manager to the lowest paid worker. It seems to be very 
largely a question of knowing or judging what given indi- 
viduals or groups of individuals will do under a given set of 
circumstances, and knowing from experience, which seems to 
be about our only guide as yet, what people have done under 
such circumstances, provide suitable means so that the cir- 
cumstances and what follows from them may go along the line 
which will bring the greatest profit to the company employing 
the men. Temporary methods of stimulating production 
through bonuses or any other of the methods which have 
been proposed seem to be of comparatively little value in the 
long run, as men work after all, by the life-time rather than 
by the day. What we need to know is how much a man can 
accomplish from the time he should be entering the industry 
until the time when he should leave it. We cannot afford 
for the sake of making an apparently low record of turn-over 
from our shop to put up the bars in any way against promotion, 
nor can we afford to stand in the way^ of any one of our em- 
ployees who finds a better opportunity in the work in the 
employ of our neighbors and our competitors. If he does 
find something better, we have only to look to ourselves and 
to discover what made it possible for him to better his condi- 
tion there. It seems as if it should be possible for every plant 
to oflfer to its employees every opportunity for advancement 
or self-development while working under different foremen 
and heads of departments so that they would secure much 
of the variety which is obtained by working in different shops. 


Editorial Introduction. If psychology is to be of real service to 
workers in fields of practical activity, it seems essential that there 
should be the closest cooperation between these practical workers and 
the scientific investigators of the problems of psychology. Not only 
must the investigator make his findings more accessible to the world 
at large, but it is also important that the concrete problems of daily 
life, especially such as arise in the various fields of business and indus- 
trial activities, should be brought to the attention of the expert psy- 
chologist. Heretofore each business concern has attempted to solve 
its psychological problems in an off-hand way, and its solutions of 
these problems have been only provisional and tentative. In order to 
indicate to our readers what is the practical business man's attitude 
toward applied psychology, the editors have approached a number of 
leaders in the industrial and business world with the request that 
they give us an expression of their views regarding their problems 
and the methods they have developed in dealing with 'the human 
element,* or regarding any other aspect of applied psychology which 
seems to them to be of prime importance. We hope that the generous 
responses so far received, several of which are herewith presented, 
will stimulate others to do likewise ; and that the discussion, which we 
hope will be continued in subsequent numbers of the Journal, will 
lead to a clearing-up of the various problems involved in the study 
of mental life as, it manifests itself in our everyday activities. 


By Professor Henry C. Metcalf, Tufts College, Mass. 

The fundamental problem of the business world is the problem of 
men living and working together in reasonable harmony and pro- 
gressive efficiency. Modem machinery as applied to the business world 
has caught us all in a meshwork of abstract power that has become 
dangerous. The crude, selfish era of industry from which we are 
now struggling to emerge has brought society to the most perilous 
situation in our history. Machinery has broken the brotherhood bond. 
This human bond must be restored in industry if society is to hold 
together. The commercialization of the human being must be counter- 
acted. Abstract business power must be made not only scientific but 
human. This means a vast amount of reorganization, readjustment, 
regeneration and redemption. It means a proper understanding of 
man as man and a scientific comprehension of the whole problem of 
the human relations in industry. It means a full understanding of 
man's physical normal desires and needs — his physical wholeness — it 
calls for a clear perception of the meaning of his larger life which 
brings him into relation with his employer and fellow workmen— his 
organization fitness — it means a knowledge of his social body, which 
brings him into relation with society as an organism. It means an 
understanding of the spiritual which is the only real. In other words. 


the fundamental org^anic unity of the worker and his organic progress 
in industry ; the organic unity of the plant or firm in which he works ; 
the organic unity of all business and the organic relations between 
business and humanity at large, must be understood and made a 
concrete asset before true harmony and real efficiency can be firmly 
established in business. 

Now this is clearly a far vaster problem than any narrow school 
program can cover. Technical routine training for the various jobs, 
for transfer and progression within the business, for executive posi- 
tions, is vital and necessary; but these are not the real problems con- 
fronting business, nor can these be successfully solved until men 
learn the fine art of living together. 

The vital problem in business to-day is to develop growth in the 
capacity for, and to establish the machinery for practice in the habits 
of co-operation. This is the internal problem of problems confronting 
business to-day. To its successful solution all possible energy should 
be given. Everything else is subordinate to this. It calls for the most 
careful scientific self-analysis, self-direction, and self-control that all 
the forces of the business world are capable of commanding. To 
discover the men and to «establish, maintain, advance and defend the 
vision, the ideals, the machinery and the interests for bringing this 
co-operation about is the great opportunity of organizations such as 
the National Association of Corporation Schools and the Employment 
Managers Groups. Business must get down to the great elemental 
truths of human nature. All the outward, heterogeneous complexity 
growing out of material and man's relation thereto must be brought 
mto harmony and efficiency by the power of this unifying, inner living 
principle of co-operative adjustment. The truth in organic unity must 
comprehend and harmonize the confusing, balking and maiming multi- 
plicity. Business is now crying out for the guidance of unified truth 
which governs numberless facts — ^a living, dynamic principle which 
shall liberate man's body, mind and soul. To make this ideal a reality 
in business is to awaken in every employee an eager desire to improve 
the quality of his own labor, which is the best asset any business 
can have. 

Logically, therefore if such organizations as the National Associa- 
tion of Corporation Schools, and the Employment Managers Groups 
are to hold their well-earned leadership in die solution of the great 
problem of the human interpretation of industry, they must under- 
stand the organic nature of man and come to regard the business 
machinery as the greatest opportunity for the discovery, adapjtation, 
instruction and training, protecting and justdy rewarding human 
talents — in a word, as a vast capacity-catching and capacity-developing 


By G. G. McChesney, Librarian, Pierce-Arrow Motor Car Co., 
Buffalo, N. Y. 

The human interest element in industry may be a new phrase, but 
it certainly is a crying need in the industrial world to-day. 

Is there no inspiration in labor? Must the man who works go on 
forever in a deadly routine, fall into the habit of mechanical nothing- 
ness, and reap the reward of only so much drudgery and so much 


pay? I think not The times demand an industrial prophet who will 
lift industry off from its rusted, medieval hinges and put pure human 
interest, and simple, free-spirited life into modem workmanship. 
Nothing but human interest will ever awaken a task interest in the 
ordinary workman. "One of the inevitable results," says Charles L. 
Pearson, "of increased efficiency in manufacturing processes is the 
specialization of operations, increased monotony and more intense 
concentration on the part of the worker. Many manufacturing opera- 
tions are continual repetitions with no decided change from one lot 
of work to another, the operator making a few different moves in 
rapid succession and repeating the operation all day or, perhaps day 
after day without much change. This class of work requires more 
or 'less intense concentration. A deadly monotony must inevitably 
follow. To put life into this death is the problem. Ever the source 
of life is life. Neither from the task nor from the machinery nor 
from the product, nor any other mechanical motive, can come any 
relief. Human interest alone can inspire a task interest. At the very 
point where the deadly monotony crucifies the task interest, must a 
living spirit resurrect a spirit and an interest superior to the monotony 
of the task. How is it to be done? 

The very first element in an efficient management or an efficient 
supervision is the power to create interest Is this too difficult ? Walter 
Dill Scott says that the attitude of every man in an organization is 
the reflection of the dominating factor in the organization. To every 
workman there is a fascination in an interesting and interested leader- 
ship. Interest, like measles, is catching. The thing we would like to 
know is the psychological source of interest in the average workman. 
And we contend that you can no more inspire, resurrect, or create 
interest in a task by an absentee management or a supervision by 
proxy, or by cardboard, any more than you can hatch chickens from 
nutmegs. If efficiency is ever to take on real serious character and 
be measured, not by whim, or guess or conceit, but by living results, 
it must be borne in the heart, not the purse of industrial management ; 
and it must permeate through and through the whole system of 

The most efficient supervision must of necessity render the most 
humane service, and in every embryo this must take the form of 
human interest. In every form of sport, superior achievement and 
skill in performance are coveted and won by the greatest sacrifices 
of time and energy. Why not in industry? The answer is easy. 
Motive. Reward for skill. Praise for achievement. Merit well 
earned. Contest. Battles won with honor. The true sportsman is 
heroic. He is no slave. Can this spirit be put into industrial life? 
No. It cannot be put in. It can be bom in. 

James J. Hill of the Great Northern is a good example of how a 
man can lead his men in playing the game of big business. With only 
one exception he led his men without trouble in opening up the great 
Northwest. His ideal was service, not fortune building. Every man 
under him knew him as "Jim" Hill. They respected him for his 
superior grasp of railroading and for his personal interest in his men. 
The names of John Wanamaker and Henry Ford are splendid ex- 
amples of how men breathe their own spirit into their organizations. 
If an executive is a man of vision, a man of broad sympathies and 
high ideals, a man of efficiency and energy of character, this entire 
force will be a wide awake body of live wires. 

The spirit of efficiency must be back of all really efficient work. 
Better quality and greater quantity should be the aim, but not at the 
expense of life. Greater speed on the part of the workman will pro- 


duce greater accuracy of workmanship. But the greater speed should 
be made possible by eliminating unnecessary motions, and by making 
necessary motions thoroughly automatic The result will be a relief 
of drudging labor and the freedom of the man. Then he will be 
happy and work contentedly. Speed, skill, freedom, this is the order 
in the ^ciency program. 

A genius is a genius because he accomplishes more than others. 
In the last analysis genius is the power of achievement But follow- 
ing the roadway backward from the result achieved to the home of 
genius, and then into his soul where his power plant of ideas and 
personal energy are stored, we find a most interesting problem. How 
does he do it? That is the query. That is the miracle. The miracle 
he performs is made possible to him because of his internal, sub- 
conscious energy. This energy is the product of an electric will which, 
working economically, has stored up power and systematized energy, 
often out of pure necessity, where it can be drawn upon at any time 
much as we draw upon a storage battery when in need of electric 
service. Many men are perfectly prodigal of their energies. The 
genius is not All great men of the world have had their mental 
machinery well-equipped with energy, and the larger part of such 
machinery operating automatically. The genius operates both his 
mental and subconscious machinery to free his soul, making his 
body work for him under the most fascinating discipline. So we 
discover that the secret of achievement, or of efficiency rests on 
dynamic will power, together with a thoroughly trained subconscious- 
ness. The more work we can do to-day, automatically, the more in- 
spiring and creative work will become, the more of a man a man 
becomes, and the less of a machine. His subconsciousness acts with 
perfectly automatic precision. The mechanical element lies below 
the mental surface, so that really great achievement is the 
work of a free spirited man depending on his efficiently trained 
reflexive powers to carry out his desires. We call him inspired 
because he is both freer in spirit and more subconsciously mechan- 
ical than we are. Efficiency, therefore, must ever depend both on 
efficient desire, as well as upon the efficient organization of our reflex 

Every man should be more of a man, a better man, for having 
worked a day. The humdrum shop, operated by humdrum workmen, 
managed by humdrum superintendents, dominated by humdrum ideals, 
should be banished to Humdrum Land, if for no other reason than 
to save the men. 

What is the man-making motive^ and how is it generated, may I 
ask? In industrial life, who corns the man-making motive, and 
where is the mint? It must be acknowledged that the industries to 
be efficient must not be efficient at the sacrifice of men, but on the 
contrary, they must be efficient first of all in developing men, real 
men, men of heart and men of high character, before they have a 
right to be efficient either in business or in production. Doubt it do 
you? There are thousands of factories to-day running on an imagin- 
ary schedule of efficiency where men are robbed of the opportunity 
to develop themselves, where a business success is more of a hold-up 
game than a scientific, or economic process. I say a hold-up game 
because money can never be spent wisely and profitably where it 
demands the service of men, and at the same time imperils their char- 
acter. Deterioration of men deteriorates profits. What shall we say 
then of the mental process of developing men, of growing manhood 
in the industries? How are men to know that they are growing to 
manhood while they work? If the larger opportunity is given to 


industrial employees, and they know that the conditions and inspirations 
of industrial life make for better manhood will they respond to it? 
Will the response to such industrial inspirations react for higher daily 
task efficiency? One onlv needs to step into such factories as the 
Franklin Automobile Works, or the National Cash Register Company's 
plant to get a decided, positive answer. 

Loyalty! Loyalty is inspired of confidence, confidence in men who 
believe in men, and who believe in God. No man over men who can 
damn his men has their confidence. And no plant operated without 
a definite welfare program can hope by a mere wage motive to win 
the loyalty of its working force. Every sensible man must realize 
the justice of being able to work at a man's job, under the direction 
of a manly man, at a man's wa^e, with a manly confidence in the 
heads of his concern. Many an mdustrial concern to our knowledge 
is running the gauntlet to-day of a perilous turnover, hiring ten to 
fifteen thousand men to maintain a force of five thousand. And why? 
Confidence. Loyalty. There you have it in a nutshell Concerns that 
have the power to inspire confidence know little about this vexing 
problem. Men, like plants, grow in a healthful atmosphere. And, 
given an inspiring industrial atmosphere where man-timber may be 
grown to its richest and best, the fruit of contentment must inevit- 
ably follow. Manliness with contentment is great gain. We can 
but hope that the day is not far distant when the greater industries 
of our country will be operated first of all for turning out full grown, 
high charactered, industrial workmen, and incidentally and necessarily, 
most efficiently their material product. 


By Paul Kreuzpointner, Altoona, Pa. 

The reader will be led by the title of this article to inquire : What 
is the relation between industrialism and psychology? And what do 
we understand by the term * industrialism ' r The practical application 
of steam and electricity, together with scientific discoveries and me- 
chanical inventions, have made it possible to control the forces of 
nature in the interest of humanity and for the service of mankind; 
and just in proportion as these practical applications have been made, 
it has been possible to develop a country's resources, and to feed, 
house and clothe a greater number of people. The increase in popula- 
tion has in turn given rise to a necessity of mass production and mass 
transportation, in order that the ever-growing multitude of peoples 
may be kept alive, and in order that their activities may be regulated. 
Mass consumption has necessitated mass production; and mass pro- 
duction in turn has necessitated the concentration of large groups of 
men and women at suitable localities, subject to centralized authority 
and military discipline, in order that the group should be kept active 
along required lines for united efforts. But this mass production and 
mass action have wrought a change in our traditional conditions of 
life, — social, economic and ethical, — in a way which is directly ascrib- 
able to the development of our industries; and the social-economic 
results which have arisen from these extended and concentrated in- 
dustrial activities are expressed by the term ' industrialism '. 

In consequence of its effects upon the intellectual, ethical and phys- 
ical life of the people, this industrialism is responsible for a thorough- 
l^oing change in the mentality of all the people ; this change, however, 
IS greater in the case of the industrial and urban population than in 
the case of the agricultural and rural population. In the interest of 
applied psychology, it is well to recognize that there are two phases 
in the influence of industrialism upon the mentality of the people: 
There has been a change in the old established mental habits and 
processes which were the result of our pioneer life and of the agri- 
cultural state of our pioneer society; and new mental habits have 
resulted from the intensification of our modern industrial and eco- 
nomic conditions. 

Any one who had the opportunity, forty or fifty years ago, to 
observe the mass action of young people who were already engaged 
or intended to engage in industrial pursuits, will testify to the fact 
that a transformation of mental habits and mental activities has 
really taken place. In 1873 the writer, at the age of 31 years, became 
a pupil of the State Normal School at Edinboro, Pa., during the wide- 
spread financial panic of that period; it was not his intention to 
become a teacher, but being thrown out of .work by the panic he 
simply desired to improve his education. In 1874, when living at 
Erie, Pa., he induced the school board of that city to open a 'Free 
Industrial Evening School,* the pioneer school of this sort in Penn- 
sylvania; and he had charge of that school for three years, until a 
new school board closed all the existing evening schools. Having 
kept in close touch with the American youth ever since, both in shop 


and in school, the writer has during the past ten years frequently 
expressed the opinion that the American boy of to-day is not so 
mentally alert nor so keenly observant as the American industrial 
boy of forty or fifty years ago. Why this change? Fifty years ago 
we were still close to the pioneer conditions of American life; and 
the mentality of the American youth of that period still reflected the 
mentality of those pioneer days, industrialism having not yet had time 
to make itself felt Our youth of that period were consuming the 
inherited stock of self-reliance, of individual courage and quickness 
of perception in danger, of self-respect, and of independence of action ; 
and that ubiquitous and unique product of early industrial life in 
America, the 'J ack-of -all-trades/ was still flourishing in our midst 
Now, after two generations of mass production by means of machinery, 
of automatic appliances, of military regime, and of consequent repres- 
sion of initiative, this formerly virile product of pioneer mentality has 
been reduced to the status of a mental and physical automaton, whose 
activity consists in feeding his machine or in computing long rows 
of figures by means of a machine, with a minimum of mental exer- 
tion. Modem industrialism, spurred on by an ever-growing economic 
pressure, intensifies the effect of these mentally deteriorating influences 
upon millions of individuals in shops, stores and oflices, — a state 
of affairs which induces mental stagnation and produces human 

What is to be the end of it all? Can civilization survive such a 
stagnation of mentality? Here is where applied psychology should 
find a fertile field for cultivation. Thus far the science of psychology, 
m so far as it has attempted to be practical, has devoted itself to the 
task of finding the round peg for the round hole; and this attempt 
at vocational guidance is essentially an attempt to select suitable 
material to perpetuate the process of feeding the industrial and com- 
mercial mind-killing machine. Is there not a danger that in time, 
vocational guidance will become a part of the industrial machine 
itself? The work of the vocational psychologist, however, is not to 
be criticized or discredited ; it is necessary, and we mention it here only 
as an illustration of the way in which increasing economic pressure 
compels industrialism to levy tribute on all of the sciences in order 
that its efficiency may be mamtained and increased. 

Here, then, we come to the crux of the question as to what is the 
function of applied psychology. What can applied psychology do to 
prevent or at least to minimize the mental deterioration of Siose for 
whom it has found suitable niches in the industrial machine, in order 
to prevent the social organization from degenerating to a lower mental 
level than is necessary to maintain orderly government and a progres- 
sive civilization? What is to be done in order |o avoid the undesir- 
able state of affairs that scientific psychology should unwittingly con- 
tribute to this mental degeneration by turning its expert knowledge 
to the task of picking out suitable material to fit as cogs into this 
mentally atrophying industrial machine? 

Applied psychology must consider three distinct but closely inter- 
woven phases of modem life. These three phases, working silently 
and insidiously, though none the less effectively, are the results of 
the reactions of modem social-economic organization upon the social- 
ethical life of the peoples of industrial nations. These results have 
been observed in Germany and in other industrial countries, where, 
however, they are found to vary in effectiveness in accordance with 
conditions of life. 

One phase which deserves the attention of applied psychology is 
the necessity of readjusting and adapting national habits, inherited 


from pioneer times, to modern economic and social requirements. Our 
national habits of wastefulness and carelessness are the result of our 
inheritance from a time when the wealth of our resources seemed to 
be inexhaustible, and where this apparent inexhaustibleness permitted 
a lavish use and even waste of our resources for .experimentation in 
an effort to develop these resources with feverish haste. This waste 
was frequently inevitable and excusable in view of our dearth of 
technical knowledge, our lack of experience, and the absence of any 
economic necessity for conserving our resources; the waste was per- 
haps greatest in the use of lumber and in metallurgical operations. 
Newspapers and magazines meanwhile were constantly dinning into the 
ears of the growing generation the self-deception that our resources 
were inexhaustible. The suggestion that resources should be conserved 
was derided as a miserliness which is unworthy of an American; and 
when, in 1869, the writer began to advocate the view that our mental 
resources, lying latent in the mass of people, should be developed by 
means of industrial education, he was derided as a crank not only by 
ignorant people but by business men and university graduates. It is 
no wonder, then, that the present generation is afflicted with habits 
of carelessness and wastefulness, and that the path of least resistance 
and the short-cut are chosen in an effort to 'get there' as rapidly as 
possible. The discovering of the best means to readjust or to eradi- 
cate these habits should be one of the aims of applied psychology. 

The second phase which deserves our earnest attention has to do 
with the circumstance that the specialization of labor and the monotony 
of repetitive operations, mechanical and clerical, has an atrophying 
influence upon the mental activity and initiative of millions of workers 
in shops, stores and offices. Certain psychologists have claimed that 
no such atrophying effect results from the monotony of work. It is 
true that even the veteran tender of the automatic machine makes a 
superficial showing of intellectual ability and sprightliness unless he 
be naturally dull and stupid. But if these psychologists had observed 
that individual in his daily routine of life and work year after year, 
they would have noticed that he lacks initiative and is helpless 
when obliged to change his accustomed routine, and they would 
have observed that he is deficient in reasoning power and judgment 
when dealing with questions of public interest or questions which 
concern the relation of his work and his employer's business to 
his own job and the security of earning his bread and butter. 
They would have noticed his growing inability to grasp the import 
of municipal, state and national questions. Why do our educational 
and other public institutions produce such meagre results in the man- 
agement of political and social affairs? Why does tlye demagogue still 
flourish ? Why do we still have the * pork barrel * with us ? And why 
do the * something-for-nothing ' schemers still succeed in drawing 
big crowds? Let us see. The writer had a friend, a very intelligent 
mechanic, who failed in business and in a fit of discouragement en- 
listed in the army. He has told me of the expedients to which the 
soldiers in the Western forts resort in order to counteract the monotony 
of army life. They go out on the prairie, become intoxicated, fall asleep 
in the sage-brush and run the risk of being charged with desertion, — 
not for the sake of drinking but for the purpose of reviving their 
drooping, stagnant minds for a few hours. A superintendent of 
schools once asked the writer for a frank opinion concerning the 
efficiency of his schools ; and the writer as frankly replied that although 
his schools were as good as others, yet in them as in others the chil- 
dren in the intermediate grades were becoming duller instead of 
brighter. That is, there were mental forces at work in these schools 


which tended toward arrested mental development or atrophy of mind. 
And the superintendent admitted having noticed the same state of 
affairs. If this happens in the case of young and active minds, — and 
no one can deny that it does happen all over the coimtry, — why should 
not the same atrophying forces exert an even stronger influence under 
the more disadvantageous conditions of *set' and indifferent minds in 
shops, stores and offices? 

When the writer was connected with the physical testing laboratory 
of the Pennsylvania Railroad, much of the preparing of the test pieces 
had to be done in the shops, sometimes as many as eight men being 
engaged in that work. Because of the nature of the work, good me- 
chanics were assigned to it. Yet constant care was always necessary 
m order to insure the work being done properly, not because the men 
were not intelligent enough or skilled enough, but because it was diffi- 
cult to get their minds out of the mental groove which had been cut 
by their unvairing daily routine. And it was difficult for them to 
obtain a mental picture of anything which lay outside of that routine. 
The writer has frequently had occasion to observe this groove-like 
working of the mind, even in men of literary and especially of purely 
technical education who are in consequence unable to grasp the larger, 
broader functions and relations of their occupations or of social Hfe. 
Is there not a close relation between this desire and necessity to obtain 
a broader mental view, and the popularity of moving pictures which 
visualize life but require no mental effort on the part of the audience? 

The third phase of the problem which must be solved by the assist- 
ance of applied psychology if it is to be solved at all, pertains to the 
struggle for supremacy between industrial autocracy and social democ- 
racy. The control of nature's laws by applied science and technique 
has created industrialism with its unavoidable concentration of corpo- 
rate management and its unavoidable autocratic regime. The neces- 
sity of concentrating the management of the huge modern industrial 
and commercial organizations into the hands of a few, and of demand- 
ing of all within me organization that they shall submit to an almost 
military discipline would be the same under any form of political 
government, whether autocratic, aristocratic, oligarchic, democratic or 
socialistic. But the more the existing; form of political government 
resembles the autocratic regime of industrial organization, the less 
likely is a conflict between the social forces and the industrial regime. 

The autocratic political government and the autocratic industrial 
organization are alike in that they both exhibit feudalistic tendencies; 
and hence in an autocracy the masses of industrial workers are not 
affected by any essential differences between their social life and their 
political life. But in a democracy such as ours, there is constant lia- 
bility of friction between the industrial organization and the social 
organization. The industrial organization rests upon a scientific basis, 
with experts as advisers and managers; democracy rejects expert 
knowledge and advice, claiming that popular intelligence is adequate 
for the management of the affairs of the commonwealth. But since 
corporate interests and public interests are co-existent and co-ordinate, 
they must have constant dealings with each other. Hence it frequently 
happens that corporate expert knowledge and popular government 
knowledge come into conflict; and the consequent reaction upon the 
public mind is unfavorable because the public has no faith in expert 

A more serious difference of opinion arises from the fact that the 
industrial organizations clamor for a more efficient education of the 
people, and from the fact that the inefficient democracy is reluctant 
to grant this demand, alleging that such an education is unnecessary 


and is beneficial only to the financial interests of the industrial organ- 
ization. Then, too, the spirit of individualism and independence which 
is fostered and promoted by democracy is at variance with the auto- 
cratic regime and the military discipline of the industrial organization ; 
this conflict produces a condition of life both inside and outside the 
works which is not contemplated with favor by the employees, hpw- 
ever willing they may be to submit in order to earn a livelihood. 

But worst of all, and productive of most ill-will and misunderstand- 
ing between corporate industry and the populace, is the frequent dis- 
play of feudalistic tendencies on the part of the coiporadons, — ^in 
their endeavor to guide the social, the spiritual, the ethical and the 
educational life of the people of the community. The object of this 
endeavor is always phdanthropic and praiseworthy in so far as it 
aims either to give to the employees and their dependents the benefits 
of organized guidance by experts, or to cultivate a sense of corporate 
loyalty by dispensing feudalistic benevolence. But in modern times, 
when contract is the only relation which is recognized between^ em- 
ployer and employee, contract relation and feudal relation can not 
co-exist without generating friction and misunderstanding. Feudal- 
ism received its sanction and strength from the personal relation and 
the mutual responsibilit]^ between feudal lord and retainer, — ^the feudal 
lord furnishing protection and security of status, while the retainer 
gave service in return, these mutual ties of protection, benevolence 
and service existing for life and extending over the commtmity as 
a proprietary right and duty. This, however, does not mean that cor- 
porate industrial organizations should not concern themselves with 
public welfare in their own interest and in the interest of their em- 
ployees, nor that they should not lend their- expert knowledge for that 
purpose. All the ethical, political, social, educational and economic 
group-interests in a community are so intimately interwoven that they 
can not be separated without injury to some or all of the groups. Hence 
all social forces in a community should co-operate to the extent of 
their ability for the purpose of fostering their mutual interests. But 
if any one group or interest should step out of that co-operative 
circle, and if it should, dfrectly or indirectly, assume the control or 
direction of those educational, ethical or social forces which in a 
democracy are matters of public concern, such an action will inevitably 
create a feeling of resentment, and a conviction that however well- 
meant the endeavor, it constitutes an encroachment upon democratic 
freedom and personal liberty. 

If an interest which thus acts in a spirit of benevolence possesses the 
power of employment, and if from an entirely benevolent motive it 
claims the right of thus guiding and guarding not only the industrial 
but also the social and ethical interests of the employees, then the 
action becomes feudalistic. It clashes with the established democratic 
institution, producing fear and mental and civic inactivity on the one 
hand, and on the other hand, creating an under-current of antagonism 
against such measures as are just, timely and really helpful. The 
situation is analogous to one where in fighting a forest fire one group 
of fire-fighters pushes the others back, being convinced that mentally 
the latter are not so well-equipped although physically quite as strong. 
Under such circumstances the rejected group would stand bade sullenly 
and give only half-hearted or no assistance. But if the superior 
group were helping to educate the inferior group in the art of fire- 
fighting, and should do so in a spirit of co-operation, team-work and 
good-will would result instead of resentment. 

Summing up the influences of the modern industrial organization 
upon the equally modem democratic social organization, we find that 


the former reacts unfavorably upon the latter in certain ways: The 
expert economic management is distasteful to inefficient democratic 
management; the unavoidable military factory regime and discipline 
exaggerates democratic freedom; the demand for ever-increasing 
efficiency makes undue demands upon our undeveloped and neglected 
mental resources; and the feudalistic tendencies which attempt to 
hitch democracy to the personal service of industrial autocracy are 
all at variance with our inherited spirit of excessive individualism 
and with the spirit of our political institutions. The result is mis- 
understanding, distrust, lack of harmony, hindrance to progress, abuse 
of talent, and waste of mental and material resources. The more 
exacting the restraint which is necessary within the shop gate, the 
greater is the desire to revel in democratic freedom outside the shop 
gate. The restraining rules within the shop gate can not be broken 
without risk of loss of bread and butter; the civic restraint outside 
the shop gate is largely of the employee's own making. And it is 
small wonder if these civic restraints are often treated with indiffer- 
ence and are even brushed aside in consequence of the mental reac- 
tion from the effects of the industrial restraint. May not the growing 
mob-spirit be a manifestation of that mental reaction? In monarch- 
ical countries this phenomenon is better understood, and provision is 
made for public amusements and entertainments of various sorts in 
order to divert this reaction into safe channels. But democracy does 
not yet seem to have learned how to attack this psychological problem. 
It is obvious that legislative enactments are insufficient educational 
agencies to cope with this serious problem. What we need is a change 
in our national habits and customs, in our mental and moral char- 
acteristics. And here is the opportunity for applied psychology to 
step into the breach in order to harmonize the contrast and antagonism 
between the industrial r^ime and the democratic regime. 

The National Association of Corporation Schools is doing pioneer 
work in furthering this object The apprentice schools and the various 
special schools maintained by the members of that Association within 
their establishments at their own expense, are conducted not only for 
the purpose of satisfying the vocational needs of the concern but also 
for the purpose of endeavoring to correlate and co-ordinate the voca- 
tional subject with the cultural and social economic life of the students 
of the outside world. In other words, they are endeavoring to socialize 
the schools in a way which is useful in that it prepares the student for 
the civic duties of his democratic environment without being feudal 
and benevolent Upon this broader social-economic basis they can 
co-operate with the public school system for mutual benefit the shop 
and commercial schools reacting encourap^ingly upon the public schools, 
while the latter furnish better preparation m return. And with the intro- 
duction of corporation or employers' continuation schools, this sphere 
of educational and social usefulness of corporation schools will be 
widened because not only do continuation schools reach larger numbers 
than the purely special schools, but since t he training in ^he mnti^yp. 
tion schools is not specific but tends rather to develop general intelli- 
_ gence. these schools serve, at Idl^t m part to bridge the gulx between 
^ the exacting demands of industrialism and the public demands of 


By William Stern 

(Translation from the Zeitschrift fur Pddagogische Psychologic und 
Experimentelle Pddagogik, Jan., Feb., 191 7) 

The science of psychology has again suffered a grievous loss. On 
Dec. 17, 1916, in his fifty-third year, Hugo Miinsterberg was over- 
taken by death while lecturing. Thus even to his last breath he was 
unceasingly active, as unceasing work was a dominant quality of his 
character. Not the quiet work of the scientist's cell, but a far reach- 
^jngoublic activity, the organization of the realms of politics and 
'^JCult^^tht transference of scientific knowledge and methods to the 
aemands of practical life — these, especially in recent years, had 
become the chief occupation of his life. But at the same time he was 
an investigator of penetrating sharpness, with a power of presentation 
marked by genius, and he was also a philosopher who had struggled 
most earnestly with the great problem of the theory of the universe 
(Weltanschauung). That he did not nevertheless always reach- a full 
unification and harmony of its manifold features, that often enough 
indeed two souls fought within him, forms the tragedy of this per- 

This appears even in the fact that he was a man with two Father- 
lands. He lived in Germany, where he was bom in Danzig on June 
I, 1863, through his apprenticeship years and also began there his 
mastership years. He studied in Leipsic, chieflv with Wundt, and in 
Heidelberg with Windelband; he obtained the doctorate in philosophy 
and in medicine; he was docent and professor extraordinary at Frei- 
burg. In 1802 he took the authorized leave of absence for a few 
years in order to establish a psychological laboratory at Harvard 
University (Boston), the chief institution of higher learning in 
America, and there he remained till the end of his life, almost a 
quarter of a century. He was often in Germany, but always as a 
vacation traveler, or as in 1910-1911, as exchange professor at the 
University of Berlin. A permanent opening for work in the Father- 
land, such as he himself silently longed for, did not come. 

For many years Miinsterberg considered it his special problem to 
strengthen the relations between his first and his second homelands. 
His books on America and the Americans, the founding of the Amer- 
ican Institute in Berlin, his proposal to shape the Hamburg institution 
of higher learning as an embodiment of American University ideals, 
his share in the psychical organizing of German- Americans, as well as 
many other things, testify to this. He did not always find sympathy 
in these attempts either here or there. But at the beginning of the 
world war, his attitude became completely unambiguous and uncon- 
ditional. He realized that he was a German, and regardless of con- 
sequences he began at once a spiritual war against the traditional 
English sentiment at Harvard. What this meant to him is shown 
in the following portion of a letter sent to me in February, 1916 : " Day 
and nig:ht I work both before and behind the scenes, almost entirely 
in the interests of the political struggle, and fortunately thus I can 

HUGO munsterberg: inmemoriam 187 

accomplish much. Of course ahnost all of my old relations arc 
severed, especially here in Boston. Most of my friends here no 
longer recognize me; I have been thrown out of clubs and put out of 
academies. All their rage has concentrated upon me. But we hold 
out." The hope which he expressed in the same letter, " I hope I can 
soon see your institute, for it is our plan to take the first Hamburg 
steamer that crosses," will now never be fulfilled. 

Scientifically also there were two souls in Munsterberg, which never 
were completely harmonized. As a psychologist, especially in the first 
period of his investigating, he was most sharply oriented for natural 
science. Psychology has to do with the contents of consciousness as 
objects of factual consideration, with their analysis into simple ele- 
ments bound together by causal laws, and with their resolution into 
the accompanying physiological phenomena. When man is "psycho- 
logically" explained he ceases to be a personality. There are then 
no inner purposes and attitudes, no significant totality or vital value, 
but only psychical elements, which are related to one another and 
to the physical according to regular laws. But on the other hand, 
Munsterberg is very far from denying the correctness of that other 
point of view; he even thinks it the truer and higher, only lying 
outside of all psychology. Philosophically he professed himself an 
idealist, in which his inner relation to the Baden group, Winddband, 
Ricker, J. Cohn, appears, but with an especial inclination to Fichte. 
His IVeltanschauung was constructed upon a theory of value which 
is completely independent of the causal considerations of natural 
science. In it there is no longer question of cause and effect but 
only of end and norm. Here man is not the object of analjrtical 
knowledge but the subject of a unified attitude. Here life is not a 
mechanical natural process but a significant relating of. purposes. 

Thus the outcome is a two-world theory which leaves unsatisfied the 
yearning of man for a final unity, and yet only where unity is, is 
there a true IVeltanschauung, To me Munsterberg seems here to be 
the typical representative of a period of transition. The insight had 
awakened that a psychology which is only an analysis of conscious- 
ness does not do justice to the value of personality, but the determina- 
tion was still lacking to reform psychology from the ground up so 
that it could also do justice to the theory of personality. What must 
come is a personalistic psychology.^ 

The sharp separation of the psycholo^cal investigation of facts and 
the ethical theory of ends also found* m Munsterberg a formulation 
important pedagogically, which one must a^ree with in its fundamental 
ideas in spite of other differences of opmion. Mtinsterberg fought 
with zeal a false " ps^chologism " in the teacher. Wherever a man 
has actual dealings with other men, and so especially in teaching, he 
must evaluate unitary subjects, he must strengthen personalities in 
process of development, but not explain the contents of their con- 
sciousness. He who forgets this runs the danger of neglecting the 
ethical problem. The teacher who has to do only with psychology in 
all his educating, easily considers his pupils as mere samples of inter- 
esting psychical phenomena; he also feels himself easily lured off 
to deducing the purpose of education from the psychological con- 
ditions, while these furnish only the means by which ends sanctioned 
on far other grounds can be attained. This warning of Mtinsterberg 
against overmuch preoccupation with psychology aroused in its time 
much surprise and contradiction among teachers. One can only 

* Perhaps I may mention here that just this sharp formulation of 
the split in Munsterberg was the determining factor for me to transfer 
the views of personalism to psychology also. 

188 STERN 

completely evaluate it from the background of the American situation. 
In fact, there seems to have been for some time a very one sided 
cult with psychological experiments as the chief object of the teacher's 
training; perhaps a protest against it was not entirelv unjustified. 

But naturally Miinsterberg's positive work in the field of psychology 
is far more important. In the first period of his theoretical investiga- 
tion we must mention especially the theory of the will (in which he 
reduces the will to an aggre^te of sensations and muscular tensions) 
as well as the Aktionstheorte connected with it, which also ramifies 
into the realm of pedagogical-psychological interests. According to 
this the elementary, primitive form of the psychical life is not the 
sensation or idea, that is, a passive given, but the immediate unity of 
impression and expression, of sensation and muscular movement. The 
entire modem basal principle of self activity, the work principle, etc., 
is related to this idea expressed by Munsterberg more than two 
decades ago. That originally he tended to overvalue the purely mus- 
cular factor we must refer to the newness of the thought. 

But more and more his interest in psychological theory was replaced 
by one in applied psychology, and here his universalistic spirit, partici- 
pating in the manifold ramifications of Kultur, stands revealed. Dur- 
ing the years when we in Germany had only cautiously and tentatively 
begun to shape methods for the new problems of application, Miinster- 
berg had penetrated into the fullness of human life, had laid down 
a general program, and in four books of his own had given a wide 
outlook into the possibility of making psychology effective in the 
administration of justice, the healing of the sick, education and indus- 
trial life. It is true that often he showed more boldness and power 
to image future possibilities than he did cautious technical knowledge, 
but much greater than this is the service which he did of attracting 
publicity (even non-psychological) to this perfectly new method of 
controlling Kultur, and of drawing the great guiding lines for future 
work. Most of all is his work path-breaking on the Psychology of 
Industrial Life. In this he describes the American Taylor system 
of scientific management, on its psychological side, and presents his 
now notable experiments on the vocational selection of street-car con- 
ductors and telephone operators. Here he gave the impetus to the 
attempts which are now also introduced into Germany, to make voca- 
tional choices from a psychological point of view. 

In his last great work, Psychotechnik, Miinsterberg gives a unified 
presentation of the various possibilities of applied psychology. Perhaps 
the educator will not find overmuch that is new in the section on 
education, for the study of children was somewhat aside from Miin- 
sterberg's interests. Of far more service will be the section on indus- 
trial life, especially the general part, which gives an attractive presen- 
tation of the significance of psychotechnics in general and of its two 
chief ends, psychological prediction and psychological control. 

In Miinsterberg psychology loses one of its most important leaders 
and most stimulating thinkers, whose thoughts will fructify both 
theory and practice long after his premature death. 

Miinsterberg's chief scientific German works are the following (all 
published by J. A. Barth, Leipzig) : Beitrage zur Exper. Psychologie, 
1889; Grundziige der Psychologie, I, 1900; Philosophic der Werte, 
1908; Psychologie und \yirtschaftsleben, 1912; Grundziige der Psycho- 
technik, 1914. In addition he published a number of works in Eng- 
lish. The works from his laboratory appear in the Harvard Psycho- 
logical Studies. 


Robert M. Yerkes, James W. Bridges and Rose S. Hardwick. A 
Point Scale for Measuring Mental Ability, Baltimore: Warwick 
and York, Inc., 191 5. Pp. viii-f 168. 

In the fall of 191 3, Yerkes proposed to Bridges that they should co- 
operate in an attempt to construct a measuring scale for intellectual 
ability which should consist of a single series of tests, in connec- 
tion with which credit should be given according to a graduated scale 
of one hundred subdivisions. The present volume offers the results 
of this endeavor. 

In Part I Hardwick gives a general description and the relations 
of the Point Scale. The twenty tests, arranged for the sake of con- 
venience approximately in the order of their difficulty, are designed 
to cover various forms of the principal mental functions, such as per- 
ception, discrimination, motor coordination, association, memory, 
imagination, etc. The point method of scoring according to the merit 
of the subject's response has many advantages over the ' all-or-none ' 
principle. It brings out the full value of the testing material, and 
thus gives a far more complete and detailed account of the individual 
from the psychological point of view without increasing the expendi- 
ture of time and ener^. One hundred is the maximum score. Hence 
if an individual obtams a total of 70 points, and the norm for a 
group of his own age, sex, race and social condition is 80, the degree 
of his retardation is expressed in graduated terms. Following a de- 
tailed description of the method of using the scale, Hardwick dis- 
cusses the relation of the Point Scale to the Binet Simon Scale. 
There are two chief points of departure between the two scales: 
Firstly, the age arrangement of the Binet Scale assumes that the 
mental development of all normal individuals proceeds by similar 
stages, that the correlation between different functions is the same 
for all individuals at a given stage, and that each stage of mental 
development corresponds, in turn, to a certain physical age. The 
originators of the Point Scale question the validity of this assump- 
tion. Secondly, by the Binet method of scoring, the subject either fails 
or succeeds. Degrees of failure or success are not taken into con- 
sideration. This is eminently unfair to the examinee. 

In Part II Yerkes and Bridges present the results of the application 
of the Point Scale to 805 individuals: 675 pupils of a city grammar 
school located in a medium to poor region and including g^rades from 
the kindergarten to the eighth, inclusive; 54 kindergarten and first 
grade pupils of a grammar school located in a good neighborhood; 
and 76 adults ranging in age from seventeen to forty-three years. 
In analyzing the results of these examinations, many factors which 
have a bearing on the individual's score become apparent. Norms 
for age, sex, linguistic and social status are calculated on the basis 
of the statistics at hand. The tremendous importance of obtaining 
as much information as possible concerning the life history of the 
Jidividual to be tested is repeatedly emphasized by the authors. By 
taking 675 of the pupils and the 76 adults, irrespective of language 
or sex differences, the age norms of the following table are obtained: 

Age 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 15 Adult 

Number Tested. 5 39 7^ 73 61 74 76 79 60 60 52 25 76 
Score 14 22 29 34 39 52 59 64 74 74 78 77 Qi 


It must be borne in mind that these norms, obtained as they are from 
an insufficient number of records, can not be accepted as final. For 
the present, however, they may be considered as fairly representative 
and are at least highly suggestive. 

In Part III Hardwick gives a brief report on 155 hospital cases 
examined by the Point Scale. In Part IV Yerkcs describes the Point 
Scale revised on the basis of the results already obtained with the 
original scale. 

Descriptive Title of Test credit 

Aesthetic comparison and judgment 3 

Perception and comparison of pictures (missing parts) 4 

Comparison of lines and weights 3 

Memory span for digits 5 

Counting backward 4 

Repetition of sentences 6 

Description of three Binet pictures 9 

Arranging cubes according to their weight 2 

Comparison of the three pairs of objects 6 

Definitions of concrete terms 8 

Resistance of visual suggestion 3 

Copying of simple geometrical figures 4 

Free association 4 

The use of three given words in one sentence i 

Comprehension of questions 8 

Drawing designs from memory 4 

Criticisms of absurd statements 5 

Construction of sentences 6 

Definitions of abstract terms 6 

Analogies 6 

Total 100 

Having obtained the Point Scale score for a given individual, there 
are various ways of expressing the relation of the score actually 
achieved to the expected score or norm. There are four expressions 
which Yerkes considers useful in reporting the result of an examina- 
tion. These are: (i) The Point Scale score; (2) the mental age; 
(%) the mental status; and (4) the coefficient of intellectual ability 
(Point Scale score divided by norm). For example, if a six-year-old 
English-speaking boy obtains a score of 25, his coefficient of intel- 
lectual ability is 25 divided by 29 (norm of the English-speaking 
?:roup of males six years old) or .86. Twenty-five points is the average 
or a boy 5.5 years of age. Hence this individual is .5 year below 
age. His values, then, are: Score, 25 points; mental age, ^,s years; 
mental status, — .5 years; coefficient of intellectual ability, .80. 

Yerkes is convinced that the Point Scale, in spite of a number of 
serious defects, is much superior to the Binet-Simon Scale. Yerkes 
proposes to develop what may be called a Universal Point Scale, in 
which the principles of a single series of measurements, graded with 
respect to difficulty, and of credit according to merit, shall be so used 
that individuals ranging in age from three years through maturity 
may be measured with equal satisfaction, and their mental status 
expressed not partially as, for example, in terms of intellectual ability, 
but, more completely, by means of an equation which shall include 
affectivity as well as the other principal mental functions. 
Clark University. Carroll C. Pratt. 


Lewis M. Terman, The Measurement of Intelligence, Boston : Hough- 
ton Mifflin Co., 1916. Pp. viii+3to. 

Before any satisfactory reform of the many evils prevalent in our 
educational system can be expected, the existence and significance of 
the many differences in mental endowment of school children must 
be taken into account. The school must adapt itself to the require- 
ments demanded by the many grades of intelligence, ranging from 
idiocy on the one hand to genius on the other, which are brought 
to light by scientific diagnosis and classification. In the future, in- 
telligence tests are certain to play an ever-increasing role as a basis 
for grading, for vocational guidance, and for diagnosing feeble-minded, 
delinquent and superior children. Many fallacies current among teach- 
ers, such as the over-estimating and the under-estimating of the in- 
telligence of retarded and superior children, have been pointed out 
by Binet, who keenly felt the crying need of standardization. The 
particular merits of the Binet-Simon method of testing intelligence 
are: (i) The use of age standards; (2) the setting of problems 
which demand reason, ingenuity, judgments about abstract matters, 
etc., instead of attempting to measure sensory discrimination, mere 
retentiveness, rapidity of reaction and the like; and (3) the attempt 
to test * general intelligence' rather than memory, attention, imagina- 
tion, etc., which belong to * structural ' and not to dynamic psychology. 
Binet's conception of intelligence emphasizes three characteristics of 
the thought process: (i) Thinking tends to take and maintain a definite 
direction; (2) it is capable of making adaptations for the purpose 
of attaining a desired end; and (3) it possesses the power of auto- 
criticism. The guiding principle with Binet was to find an arrangement 
of tests which would cause an average child of any given age to test 
'at age,' — that is, the average five-year-old must show a mental age 
of five years. 

It has been found that in many cases the average child does not 
test *at age' on the Binet-Simon scale; and it was to remedy this 
defect and to create greater uniformity that Terman's Stanford re- 
vision and extension of the scale was made. The revision involved 
the examination of approximately 2,300 subjects, including 1,700 normal 
children, 200 defective and superior children, and more than 400 
adults; it also involved the adopting of a method of scoring which 
would cause the normal mental age to coincide widi the chronological 
age. That is, the scale should give an intelligence quotient (I Q) 
of unity, or one hundred per cent for unselected children of each 
age. Ninety tests were chosen for the final revision, or 36 more than 
the number included in the Binet 191 1 scale. There are 6 tests at 
each ap^e level from 3 to 10, 8 at 12, 6 at 14, 6 at ' average adult,' 6 at 
'superior adult,' and 16 alternative tests. Terman offers the fol- 
lowing suggestions for the classification of intelligence quotients: 

I Q Classification 
Above 140 — * Near ' genius or genius 

120-140 — Very superior intelligence 

I I o- 1 20 — Superior intelligence 

90-1 IQ— Normal or average intelligence 
80-90— Dullness, rarely classifiable as feeble-mindedness 
70-80 — Border-line deficiency, sometimes classifiable as dullness, 
often as feeble-mindedness 
Below 70— Definite feeble-mindedness, morons (high, middle and low) 
and imbeciles 


In discussing the cases analyzed, the author gives many facts of 
searching sociological and pedagogical import. 

In Part II, Chapters VIII to XX, Terman gives a guide for the 
use of the Stanford revision and extension; formulates instructions 
for procedure in administering and scoring the tests at each age level ; 
and suggests valuable hints for putting the youthful examinee at 
ease and arousing the desired interest in the task. 

The author is of the opinion that conscientious practice will enable 
any intelligent and tactful person without psychological training to use 
the scale successfully. The clear and untechnical manner in which the 
book is written will make it of practical service not only to psycholo- 
gists, but to teachers, physicians and social workers. 

Clark University. Cahroll C. Pratt. 

Samuel E. Sparling. Introduction to Business Organisation. New 
York, The Macmillan Co., 1916. Pp. xvi, 374. 

The scope of this volume does not include business management 
but attempts to bring together for the first time the various facts and 
principles upon which business is organized. "The first division is 
introductory, and is devoted to the classification of business activities, 
and especially to the legal aspects of business organization. The 
second division is devoted to a discussion of the principles of organiza- 
tion, the simplest forms of which are illustrated by a chapter on farm- 
ing, followed by three chapters on the organization of manufacturing, 
and by several chapters on the organization of distribution. Among 
the subjects treated here arc exchanges, direct selling, wholesaling 
and retailing, traveling salesmanship, the mail-order business, credits, 
collections, and advertising. . . . The purely social and economic 
phases have been passed over, except in so far as they threw light 
upon the problems of organization." The psychological aspects of the 
subject have received only a very modest general recognition in so 
far as they are barely hinted at in calling attention to tihe difficulties 
of selecting the administrative and labor forces and to the problems 
of appeal through improved advertising. But even here the author 
says that "while a great deal has been done to systematize the data 
and facts in regard to advertising, it cannot, however, be termed a 
science. All that can be said is that it is better understood to-day 
than it was a few years ago." The book contains no references to 
the literature, is written in a simple style, and seems to be well suited 
for young men entering upon a business career or upon a study of 
its underlying principles. 

Educational measurements. By Daniel Starch. New York, Mac- 
millan Co., 1916. 202 p. 

After discussing marks as a measure of school work, and giving a 
sample survey of the marking system of a high school, the author 
gives a chapter each upon measuring ability in reading, writingj^ spell- 
ing, grammar, arithmetic, composition, drawing, Latin, German, French, 
physics, with a final chapter on the use of standard tests in school 
experiments, and a bibliography at the end. This is the best, as the 
latest ought to be, of its kind. 

The following books and pamphlets have been received :i 

William A. White. Mechanisms of character formation. An intro- 
duction to Psychoanalysis. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1916. 

^ Mention here docs not preclude further comment. 


Harry D. Kitson. How to use your mind. J. B. Lippincott, Phila- 
delphia, 1916. 

NoRBERT J. Melville. Standard method of testing juvenile mentality. 
With an introduction by William Healy. J. B. Lippincott Co., 
Philadelphia, 1917. 

William Henry Pyle. A manual for the menial and physical exam- 
ination of school children. University of Missouri Bulletin, vol. 
17, No. 24, Extension series 21. Columbia, Mo. September 1916. 

Frederick S. Breed and F. W. Frostic. A scale for measuring the 
general merit of English composition in the sixth grade. Reprinted 
from The Elementary School Journal, vol. 17, No. 5, January 1917. 

. Note on the relation of legibility and form in handwriting. 

Reprinted from School and Society, vol. 4» No. loi, Dec. 2, 1916. 

Walter B. Swift. The developmental psychology of stuttering. Re- 
printed from The Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Oct^ov., 

National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education, Bull. 
25. What is the Smith-Hughes bill providing federal grants to 
vocational education f and What must a State do to take advantage 
of the federal vocational education law? Issued March 1917. 140 
West 42d street, New York City. 

: . Bull. 19. The selection and training of teachers for State- 
aided industrial schools. (Revised edition.) Issued Feb. 1917. 

Alfred Adler. Study of organ inferiority and its psychical compensa- 
tion. Authorized translation by Smith Ely Jelliffe. Nervous and 
Mental Disease Monograph Series No. 24. New York, 1917. 

Mental Hygiene, Vol. i. No. i, January 1917. Publ. quarterly by 
The National Committee for Mental Hygiene, Inc., Concord, N. H. 

Journal of Delinquency, Vol. II, No. — , March 1917. Published bi- 
monthly by Whittier State School, Department of Research, Whit- 
tier, Calif. 

Kentucky High School Quarterly. April 1917. 

Applied Psychology at the Carnegie Institute of Technology. 
Abstract from the Second Annual Report of the Division of 
Applied Psychology, including the Department for the Training 
oj Teachers and the Bureau of Mental Tests. Reprinted from the 
Fourteenth Annual Report of the Director of the Carnegie Institute 
of Technology for the year ending March 31, 191 7. 


LoRLE Ida Stecher. The effect of humidity on nervousness and on 
general efficiency. Arch, of Psych., No. 38, Dec. 1916. 

This monograph is a part of an extensive study of the influence of 
air conditions on human beings conducted by Hie New York State 
Commission on Ventilation and reviewed by us in the previous issue 
of this Journal, pp. 94f. The present author, in chapter I, begins with 
a "History of Investigations of the Effect of Indoor and Outdoor 
Atmospheric Conditions/' reviews briefly the three main classes of 
theories held during the nineteenth century, viz., the oxygen and the 
carbon dioxide theories, the organic poison theory, and the heat and 
humidity theory, she then gives a survey of the ventilation experi- 
ments carried on during the last thirty years in various countries, and 
finally summarises recent empirical studies by Dexter and by Ells- 
worth Huntington of the effect of climate on human welfare and 
efficiency. In the second chapter her own methods and experiments 
are described, which were planned and carried on, like those pre- 
viously reviewed, under Thomdike's direction. 

The degrees of humidity investigated in the present series were 
50, 45, 37, 33, 32, 22, 21, and 20%, while the temperature remained 
constant at 75**?. Eight squads of four gfirls each, 17-18 years of age, 
recently graduated from the commercial department of a New York 
city high-school, acted a$ subjects. All conditions were kept as nearly 
constant as possible and various precautions were taken to control 
variable factors; for example, all subjects were paid for their services 
and received a dietetic midday luncheon of 1,000 calories per person 
per meal. The actual tests used were "(1) The purely physiological 
observations of pulse, temperature, and eye tremor, (2} The tests 
of efficiency in mental performances, such as addition and mental 
multiplication, (3) The tests of motor control and co-ordination," 
namely the three-hole aiming test, the hand-steadiness test for one 
minute, tapping for one minute, tsrpewriting for ten minutes, an arm- 
steadiness test for two minutes, a simplified mirror tracing of a ten- 
pointed star, and an industrial fati^e test of five minutes duration. 
In addition to these tests, each subject had to indicate at the end of 
the three-hour morning session her degree of comfort according to 
an arbitrarily determined scale of five points, and her estimate of 
the temperature and of the moisture in the experimental room accord- 
ing to two similar scales. 

The results as to the effect of humidity were just as negative as 
those previously reviewed. "The practical situation is that experi- 
mental humidity conditions considerably more rigorous than those 
obtaining in any artificially heated apartment show no demonstrable 
effect in behavior. ... It must be remembered that in isolating 
the factor of humidity, we did not attempt to reproduce the condi- 
tions that go to make up a crowded, ill-smelling and excessively hot 
room. The very fact that the method of ventilating liie experimental 
chamber produced a normal amount of air movement tended to alleviate 
the discomfort that would ordinarily be felt in a -closed room under 
a 75**, 20% condition. . . . Whether this (general negative effect) 
is due to a real absence of harmful effects, or to the marvelous power 
of the human organism to adapt itself to a changed environment, is 
at present still a matter of speculation." The author has also com- 


puted many correlations among the tests and found surprising differ- 
ences from the results of previous computers. One chapter gives a 
discussion of the effects of practice and of the variations in efficiency 
during the working day which in the main confirm those of previous 
investigators. An appendix contains the complete instructions to the 
subjects and samples of the test-material used. l. r. c* 

Edwaju) Webb. Character and intelligence. Brit, Jour, of Psychol, 
Mono. Supplements, Vol. I, 1915, ix-f-99. 

The frequency and importance of judging character is tremendous 
in practical life. Nevertheless, character has been described as "a 
perfect jungle of psychological expressions of unknown (or little 
known) meaning." In literature only the man of unusual character 
has been treated. Most of the individuals in this world, however, are 
more or less 'average' and 'colorless.' Webb hopes to study these 
phenomena of an average group of individuals 'by means of statistical 
methods. He defines the terms which he is ^omg to employ in the 
following way. " Intelligence may be taken as mcluding those qualities 
which are specially related "to abilities in mental performances, while 
under character it is usual to include the emotional and volitional— 
the social and moral qualities." "Character is thus, for our purpose, 
the sum of all personal qualities which are not distinctly intellectual." 
(p. 2.) 

The subject of personal character has been frequently handled in 
the literature from two widely different points of view. i. Abstract 
propositions have been put forward such as the classification of 
temperaments' ; 2. .concrete judgments have been made acted upon 
by practical business men. Both viewpoints are marked by dogma 
and theory far in excess of the evidence put forward in their support 
Although these analyses are not scientific in their treatment, we do 
find a few scientific studies which have preceded the present experi- 
ment For example, Heymans and Wiersma attempted to establish a 
classification of types of character by the 'biographic' method, — by 
an analysis of the written lives of no of the leading men in the arts 
and sciences. They also employed the questionnaire method. Pearson 
tried to correlate estimates of general intelligence with estimates of a 
few mental qualities such as temper, popularity, shyness and the like. 
Ach and Barrett have approached a classification of temperaments 
from their experimental mvestigations of the will process. Stem 
advocates the use of the " psychogram," — a complete, scientific mental 
analysis of an individual who has achieved success in one of the 
fields of human endeavor. But the actual results obtained by these 
investigators have contributed but very little to our understanding and 
analysis of this immensely interesting scientific and practical problem. 

The subjects employed in the present investigation included two 
groups of male students, 98 and 96 in number respectively, in their 
second year of a training college in England ; and also four groups of 
school-boys (average age of 12 years) in four different schools in 
London, numbering respectively 33, 35, 35 and 37. The judges who 
were to make estimates of these subjects, were 10 fellow students who 
had been elected Prefects for the year. These were chosen because 
they were able to study the subjects under all conditions, — in the 
class rooms, at social gatherings, at home and on the playing field. 
These judges were told to prepare themselves during the term by 
collecting evidence in order to write a general character sketch of each 
of their group during the Easter holiday. They were told to keep the 
strictest secrecy both with regard to the subjects and the other judges, 


and they were also told to make their observations as wide as possible, 
noting any ability, habit or tendency for each subject In the case of 
the school-boys, the teachers acted as judges. 

A list of 39 qualities were adopted for investigation. These were 
divided into five general groups, i. Emotions (such as tendency to 
be cheerful, liability to extreme depression, readiness to become angry 
and recover from anger, etc.). 2. Self Qualities (such as desire to 
excel, eagerness for admiration, superciliousness, belief in own powers, 
etc). 3. Sociality (such as fondness for large or small social groups, 
impulsive kindness, trustworthiness, interest in religious beliefs, wide- 
ness of influence, tact, etc.). 4. Activity (such as extent of mental 
work bestowed on studies and pleasures, degree of bodily activity 
during business hours and games, tendencnr not to abandon tasks in 
the face of obstacles, etc.). 5. Intellect (such as profoundness and 
quickness of apprehension, soundness of common sense and originality 
of ideas). A somewhat shortened list was used for the groups of 
school-boys. Also certain tests of intelligence were given,— namely, 
paired words of opposite meaning, and the reconstruction of dis- 
arranged sentences. For the second group of students other tests of 
intelligence were added, which included tests of reasoning, comparison, 
problematic situations, definitions and paired opposites. The marking 
of the various qualities investigated was made numerically by the 
judges by giving grades from -f 3 to — ^3. In this scale zero indicated 
the average ability, +3 a very high degree of the quality, and —3 the 
very lowest degree. 

The results obtained are given very extended treatment largely by 
means of Spearman's corrected formula for the coefficient of corre- 
lation. The reliability of the estimates and of the results are tested 
throughout. The reader is impressed with the great industry shown 
in the present study. An astoundingly great number of correlation 
coefficients have been calculated at what must have been a very great 
expenditure of time and energy. 

Following the teachings of Spearman, Webb examines the results 
for evidence of a general factor of intellective energy. He finds 
what he believes to be definite and conclusive evidence that such a 
factor exists by correlating the different intellectual tests employed 
each with every other one. He then finds that all of the intelligence 
qualities as estimated by the judges "show good correlation" with 
this intellectual factor. This general factor has a low correlation with 
the groups of self qualities and sociality; while in the group of 
activities some of the qualities have a low, some a high and some a 
negative correlation. Many such correlations are made which we do 
not have the space here to consider in detail. But another example 
may be of value. The results show that Quick Apprehension is highly 
correlated with i. a marked emotional temperament, 2. strong egoism, 
3. the lighter social qualities, and 4. bodily activity and pursuit of 
pleasure. The estimates under Profound Apprehension are correlated 
with I. a calm temperament, 2. much less egoism, 3. the deeper social 
qualities, and 4. mental activitv and purposive performance of duty. 

In a subsequent chapter, Webb puts forth the hypothesis that there 
is a general factor of character which corresponds for its own qualities 
in the same way that Spearman's general intellectual factor corresponds 
to the particular intellectual qualities. A statistical treatment of the 
data leads the author to find that there is such a general character 
factor present which shows itself in varying degrees for the different 
particular qualities. As the author puts it (p. 58) "That a second 
factor, of wide generality, exists; and that this factor is' prominent 
on the 'character' side of mental activity (as distinguished from the 


purely intellective side)." The author conceives "persistence of mo- 
tives "to be this general factor and that the particular moral and 
social virtues are derived from the more generalized quality." Some 
nine experimental studies from that of Mtiller and Pilzecker in 1900 
to the work of Rath in 1014 are examined and analysed in the light of 
this hypothesis. Webb nnds that his view is entirely in accord with 
that of Ach and at least not at variance with the other studies 

In a later chapter Webb considers the errors which are involved 
in making estimates of character qualities. These are of several 
sorts, inasmuch as, besides the random errors, there are several kinds 
of systematic errors. These latter may be due to a common bias in 
the mind of all observers or to the different observers taking different 
points of view. The author also includes two appendices in the text, — 
the first containing a synopsis of the mathematical formulae employed; 
and the second containing a selection of the reports of the judges as 
to what they understood by the terms used and what ^ided them in 
marking the subjects. A rather complete bibliography is appended. 

From a consideration of these results Webb draws the following 
conclusions. He finds complete confirmation in his results of the 
hypothesis that there exists a general factor on the side of character 
which completely parallels the general factor of intelligence as ad- 
vanced by Spearman and Hart. Estimates of the general factor of 
character are apt to be more pure measures than those of genend 
intelligence. This general character factor "markedly dominates all 
the correlations yielded by the estimates of moral qualities, the deeper 
social virtues, perseverance and persistence; also, in the negative side, 
qualities related to instability of the emotions and the lighter side 
of sociality." The nature of this general factor of character " is best 
conceived — to be in some close relation to 'persistence of motives,* 
f. e. to depend upon the consistency of action resulting from deliberate 
volition, i. e, from will." 

These are exceedingly interesting results and conclusions reported 
by Webb. There are several fundamental objections, however, which 
would appear to entirely invalidate this investigation. In the first 
place, Thomson 1 has shown in a recent paper that Spearman's method 
of calculation of data which led to his conclusion of the existence of 
a general intellective factor, — a 'general ability* as against special 
abilities, — is open to the prravest criticism. Thomson attacks the con- 
cept on purely mathematical grounds but his reasoning would appear 
to be unquestionably accurate. If this be the case, Webb's calculations 
are open to precisely similar criticisms and his conclusions must fall 
with the general concept 

But even if the concept be true, we do not believe that Webb's 
results justify his conclusions. His correlation coefficients are usually 
much too small to be taken as more than indications of tendencies. 
Certainly one would hesitate to make them the basis of sweeping 
statements such as Webb has made. A single example will suffice. 
On page 40, the author states that "All the intelligence qualities show 
good correlation" with the general factor. The actual coefficients in 
these cases are : quickness of apprehension 0.53 ; profoundness of appre- 
hension 0.56 ; common-sense 0.29 ; and originality of ideas 047. Hence 
no single coefficient in this group is as great as 0.60 and one is below 
0.30. The theoretical work with the correlation coefficient has shown 
that no value should be given significance, except as perhaps indication 
of a general tendency, if it falls below o.7S- Indeed the whole concept 

* Godfrey H. Thomson. A Hierarchy without a General Factor. 
Brit. Jour, of Psychol, VIII, 1916, 271-281. 


of the correlation coefficient has recently fallen into more or less dis- 
repute. It has been recognized that there are only a few sorts of data 
which may be properly treated by these means. The use of the 
coefficient of regression is to be recommended in its place. 

Finally we would consider that Webb's method of obtaining his 
original data is open to suspicion if not to question. We think it 
doubtful if a group of young men and boys are capable of giving 
proper estimates of their fellow students with regard to the various 
qualities of intellect and of character such as were required of them. 
Webb speaks enthusiastically of the co-operation of these judges but 
we are not willing to accept the ability of such a group to make 
an accurate, unbiased and successful estimate of the various qualities 
which were required under the instructions. 

Clark University. Samuel W. Fernbehg^. 

J. E. A. Walun, Director of Psycho-Educational Qinic, St Louis. 
Annual Report, as part of the Sixty-Second Annual Report of 
Education of the City of St. Louis, Missouri, for the year ending 
June 30, 1916, pp. 144-21 1. 

The first part of this report, pp. 144-174, gives general data on 
census retardates which contain several important items of a wider 
than local significance. Among the ca. 90,000 pupils in the public 
schools there were 1,861 or 2.3% retardations, which is less than in 
other cities of similar size. As to the prevalence of feeble-minded 
children in the schools. Dr. Wallin agrees with Dr. W. S. Cornell 
of Philadelphia and Dr. D. P. MacMillan of Chicago that their fre- 
quence is .5%. He recommends among[ others special *' speech correc- 
tive work" on a large scale with specially trained teachers to handle 
these cases, special classes for children who, while not blind, have 
seriously impaired vision which cannot be corrected by glasses, and 
similar classes for defects in hearing; but blind and deaf children 
should not be admitted to such classes. 

The second part of the report is a study of speech defectives, which 
constituted about 2.8% of the total enrollment. This figure slightly 
exceeds the range of other large cities in this country. The boys show 
a prevalence of 3.6% against only .2% of the girls, and this difference is 
especially marked in the stutterers. Dr. Wallin says that his " results 
do not justify the widespread fear that training left-handed children 
to write with the r«ht hand will cause the development of speech- 
defects." He also finds that speech-defects "were almost twice as 
prevalent among the colored as among the white children," but that 
the sex differences among the former are not quite so strong. A 
most significant fact is the high percentage of speech defectives among 
the mentally defective children, which was at least ten times as high 
in the special schools for retardates as in the white elementary 
schools. ** In general, the lower the grade of intelligence of the group 
the greater the prevalence of speech defects. . . . Indistinct articu- 
lation is distinctly more prevalent among the mental defectives, while 
stuttering is more prevalent among the normal, retarded, and back- 
ward children than among the defectives." It is also interesting to 
notice that over 80% of the stutterres and 96% of the lispers manifested 
their defects before the age of six. There are relatively more stut- 
terers among the colored than among the white children in every 
frade except the kindergarten and the fourth high school year." 
peech defects have a definite relation to school retardation, since 
children with such troubles often are very sensitive and rather do not 
answer than expose themselves to ridicule and impatience. Such re- 


tardation is more marked with the stutterers than with the lispers and 
with the boys more than with the girls. Dr. Wallin concludes that 
" the correction of stuttering, lisping and some of the other remediable 
speech defects is just as truly a legitimate function of the public 
schools as the correction of faulty posture by means of physical train- 
ing the mitigation of mental deficien<^ by means of individualized and 
differentiated instruction, the combatmg of phthisis through a special 
regimen in an open air school, or indeed the combatinjg: of illiteracy 
by providing instruction in reading, writing, and ciphering" and it is 
well recognized as such in Europe and in some of the larger cities 
in the United States. L. r. G. 



Ygl. I SEPTEMBER, 1917 No. 3 


By Hasold E. Bubtt 

I. Introduction 

During the spring of 1916 Professor Miinsterberg gave a 
series of mental tests to the members of his large course in 
elementary psychology. The work was undertaken primarily 
because of interests in vocational psychology and an attempt 
was made to correlate the results not only with collegiate 
standing but with individual estimates of vocational aptitude. 
The same tests were subsequently given, in whole or in part, 
to a small class of Radcliffe students, to 31 members of a 
western military academy, to 40 employees of an Ohio clothing 
house, to 23 executives and salesmen of a large New England 
manufacturing concern and to 72 employees of one of the 
leading Boston department stores. In some cases employers' 
estimates of the vocational ability of the persons tested were 

At the time of Professor Miinsterberg's death the original 
data from the 460 subjects had been corrected and scored and 
certain correlations computed for the Harvard group.^ The 
vocational aspect of the tests and the interpretation of results 
for other groups than the Harvard students was barely begtm. 
At the same time more detailed materials for some of the tests 
were being worked out and various forms of new tests were 
being devised with a view to f uttu-e standardization. 

The entire data was turned over to the writer by Mrs. 
Miinsterberg with a view to posthumous publication. The 

^From the Harvard Psychologjical Laboratory. 
> A popular article based on this aspect of the tests was written by 
Professor Miinsterberg for the Harvard Illustrated, z8, 170. 


202 BURTT 

writer was in close touch with Professor Munsterberg and 
fairly familiar with his methods and purposes and, while it is 
impossible to do the matter justice, an attempt will be made to 
compute and interpret the results as Professor Munsterberg 
intended to do.* 

The following account will comprise six parts : (1) a brief 
description of tfie tests employed; (2) norms for the various 
groups tested; (3) correlations for the group of Harvard stu- 
dents of test scores with class standing and the intercorrelations 
of some of the tests ; (4) the differential vocational sensitivity 
of the tests on the basis of the extremes of personal estimates 
as to vocational aptitude in the Harvard group; (5) the voca- 
tional aspects of the tests indicated by the results from indus- 
trial concerns ; (6) suggestions as to other new forms of tests 
and general vocational possibilities. 

n. Description of the Tests 

The test material was presented to the subjects in groups 
by means of printed blanks.* The thirteen tests used will be 
designated by letters of the alphabet. 

Test A. Free association. Stimulus word (e. g. railroad, 
poetry) spoken by the experimenter. Subject writes a train 
of association words for periods of 1, 3 and 5 minutes in suc- 
cessive trials with different stimuli. 

Test B. Attention {intellectual). Three hundred and fifty 
unspaced capital letters arranged in several lines, certain adja- 
cent groups of letters forming a word. Subject imderlines 
such words. For example in " hotbrdenexerf isaelieyur " are 
the words " hot, den, is, lie." There are 55 such words in the 
list. Time 3 minutes. 

Test C. Attention {perceptual). Similar to the above, hav- 
ing 350 unspaced digits. Subject underlines adjacent pairs 
whose sum is 9. Thus in 65408618534927 are the pairs 54, 
18, 27 whose svmi is 9. Time 3 minutes. 

Test D. Construction by selection, A list of several words 
such th^t by selecting one letter from each word the name of 
some famous American can be spelled. Thus: (1) 6all, turn, 
tyty lard, knife, — Bryan; (2) b^ar, road, pine,, hole, 
town, — Edison. The italics are not indicated on the test blank. 
Five lists of this sort constitute the test. Time 4 minutes. 

Test E. Completion {intellectual). Two hard examples for 

* The writer is indebted to Professor Miinsterberg's secretary, Miss 
Wilkins, and to Professor Yerkes. 

^ The form of all the tests is such that they can be reproduced on 
a typewriter without the use of special drawings or charts. 


sentence completion, giving the first letter of each omitted 
word and indicating by asterisks the number of letters neces- 
sary to complete the word. Seven and nine words omitted 
respectively in the two selections. Time 2 minutes each. 

Test F. Completion (perceptual). A list of words having 
only thcv first and last letters g^ven; thus: p-1, a-y, w-h. Sul^ 
ject fills in any number of letters to make the word. In a 
second list the first two letters of the words are given ; thus : 
cu-, tu-, ai-, and the words are to be finished, 'fiiirty words 
in each list. Time 2 minutes each. 

Test G. Word building with the letters a, b, e, 1, r. Time 
3 minutes. 

Test H. Decision.^ A group of 4 lilies of vowels such as 
the following : 


In the above group U occurs 42 times and the other vowels 
18 times each. Seven other groups on the blank have the fol- 
lowing ratios : O 42, others 18 ; O 30, others 22 ; E 42, others 
18; U 30, others 22; A 30, others 22; A 42, others 18; E 30, 
others 22. Subject looks at the sheet and judges (without 
counting) in each group as to the predominant letter. Time 
2 minutes. 

Test J. Reasoning (relation). Twenty adjectives such as 
"busy, clumsy, cruel," printed in a column. Subject writes 
after each its opposite. Time 2 minutes. 

Test K. Reasoning (principle).^ Three rows of vowels A, 
O and U such as the following: 

A U O A A 

A O U 


The O bears a constant relation to the other vowels in each 
line (in this case the middle). Six similar groups embodying 
the following relations: fifth from the right end; before the 
iirst U (counting from the left); second after the first U; 
second after the second A ; first before the third A ; as many 
places after the first A as this is after the beginning. Six 
minutes to discover and write down the variou s relations. 

* Described originally in Munsterberg, H. Psychology and Industrial 
EMciency. 1913. p. 86. 

•This test was suggested by the Yerkes multiple choice method. 
cf. Yerkes, Robert M. The study of human behavior. Science, 39, 625. 

204 BURTT 

Test L. Reconstruction (percepttKtl). Nouns with the let- 
ters disarranged. Subject discovers the word represented. 
Thus: "ettrul," "idolcocer" are "turtle" and "crocodile." 
Eight names of animals and eight names of cities in the United 
States. Time 3 minutes each. 

Test M. Reconstruction (intellectual). A sentence with the 
first few words in the correct order but with the remainder 
arranged alphabetically, such as the following : 
"The idea of mental tests is — ^abilities acquired and and 
compare discover demands inborn is mind of of practical the 
the the the them to to various vocations with." Two other 
selections of about the same length and difficulty. Total time 
for rearrangement of the three, 9 minutes. 

Test N. Sentence building (used in place of test M with all 
but the Harvard group). Ten nouns and adjectives such as, 
"book, butterfly, green, house, picture, milk, serious, seven, 
smile, woman." Subject forms a sentence containing all these 
words. Two groups of this sort. Time 4 minutes each. 

All the data except that for test N was corrected quantita- 
tively and the results then transformed according to an arbi- 
trary scale which varied for the different tests so that the final 
scores formed roughly a probability distribution with a mini- 
mum of and a maximum of 10 points. For example in test 
B the correct underlining of 1-20 words gave a score of 
points, 21-25 words 2 points, 26-30 words 4 points, 31-35 
words 6 points, 36-39 words 8 points, 40 words or more 10 
points. In this way a single digit from 1 to 10 represented 
the individual's performance in each of the 12 tests. 

The tests occupied approximately two hours and in all cases 
were given in two sets on different days. About five per cent 
of the Harvard group were absent on each day and were given 
a chance to make up the work. None of the blanks were 
allowed outside the room, and as the total average score of 
those taking " make-ups " differed from the general average 
by less than two per cent, no appreciable error was introduced 
by this procedure. 

In all the groups but two the tests were given by Professor 
Miinsterberg. For the students in the military academy and 
the employees of the Ohio firm full directions were forwarded 
and a responsible person gave the tests. 

III. General Averages 

The average scores in the separate tests for each group of 
subjects are given in table I. The successive rows indicate the 
13 tests and the columns indicate the groups. At the head of 


each column is given the number of individuals in the group. 
At the bottom are the sums of the scores for tests B to L 
inclusive. A was scored by a slightly diflFerent method in some 
of the groups and the results are not strictly comparable. 

A glance at the bottom row of the table shows that the rank 
of the five groups in the sum of the test scores is what might 
be expected on the basis of the selection of the groups. The 
Radcliffe students in an advanced course in psychology rank 
highest. The Harvard group ranks next as might be expected 
on the basis of selection. Then follow the military students 
in a secondary school who presumably were not as Aoroughly 
selected by entrance requirements ; the salesmen and executives 
of the wholesale concern, and finally the unselected clerks in a 
department store. 












A. Association 





5.4 1 ... 

B. Attention (words). 





5.5 1 ... 

C. Attention (letters). 





4.1 1 ... 

D. Const, by selection 





1.7 1 ... 

E. Sentence complVn 







F. Word completion. 







G. Word building:... 







H. Decision 






J. Opposites — 







K. Principle 






L. Rearrange letters. 







M. Rearrange words.. 



N. Sentence building. 






Sqtn R-L. . , 

— J< 





206 BURTT 

If in the table we regard the Harvard group (which is by 
far the largest) as the standard and compare the others with 
it in respect to the various tests we note that the Radcliffe 
group is considerably superior (80%) in test C and consider- 
ably inferior (42%) in test K. The military academy group 
also excels the Harvard in C (59%) and falls farthest below 
it in J (48%) and K (45%). The wholesale employees fall 
farthest below the Harvard averages in K (45%) and E 
(44%), and the clerks are most inferior in E (75%) and L 
(69%). The most noticeable differences, then, are in test E, 
sentence completion, — frequently men^oned in the literature 
as a test of intelligence, — ^and in tests J and K which involve 
reasoning and the ability to perceive relations. 

It is possible to examine the data from another standpoint, 
namely the ranking of the average scores for the ten tests 
within a given group of subjects. Thus test B yields nearly 
the highest score of the ten in every group. So does C, with 
the exception of the Harvard students. E stands relatively 
high in rank with both college groups, but relatively low with 
the other three groups. H ranks rather low with the college 
groups and relatively high with the others. J ranks the highest 
of the ten for the college groups and fourth or fifth with the 
others. K ranks very low for all the groups except the Har- 
vard, where it ranks fifth. Here again the most striking thing 
is the superiority of the college students in tests E and J, sen- 
tence completion and opposites, tests of a distinctly intellectual 

The ranking of the tests in the various groups do not inter- 
correlate highly except in a few instances. The ranks of the 
ten tests for the wholesale group and for the department store 
employees correlate to the extent of .70 ±.14 by the foot-rule 
formula. The military group correlates with each of these 
to the extent of .62 and .64 ±.14, All other correlations are 
less than .30.' 

IV. Correlations 

Various correlations were computed for the Harvard group. 
It seemed interesting first of all to compare efficiency in this 
set of tests with class standing. Inasmuch as the group was 
composed of members of the four undergraduate classes the 
marks for the freshman year were taken as a standard. Arbi- 
trary values were assigned to the marks of A, B, C, etc., and 
an average coefficient determined which represented the indi- 
vidual's college standing for the year. These coefficients were 
then compared with the sum of the test scores for the different 


individuals. If the 276 members are distributed in tertiles of 
rank in both respects the results are as shown in table II. 

Correlation of Class Standing Wrm Sum op 12 Tests 

1st tertile 

2nd tertile 

3id tertile 

1st tertile rlafw 




2nd tertile class 




3rd t€atile class 




There is evidence of some correlation but it is not very 
striking. If the ranks are correlated by the foot-rule method 
the coefficient is .127 ±.026. If class standing is correlated 
with the sum of the tests E and M (which perhaps lay more 
stress on intellectual processes) the coefficient is somewhat 
higher (.178 ±.026). This, rather low correlation coincides 
with the results of many similar studies. It suggests the fact 
that many students (in freshman year at least) do not work 
at their maximum level of intellectual efficiency. 

Certain of the tests were correlated with one another, with 
class standing and with the sum of the tests by a rough use 
of the foot-rule formula. The only point of interest is that 
the sum of the tests correlated most highly with tests B and 
C, — ^the two attention tests. This suggests the fact that in 
these two tests the initial adaptation to the conditions of the 
test is slight and they are thus more reliable than other single 
tests in hasty application. 

V. Vocational Implications of the Tests in the Harvard 


The Harvard students who took the tests were asked to give 
an estimate of their own ability as executives, salesmen and 
promoters or inventors. Each man was to give himself a total 
of 100% in the three fields. Then groups were formed on the 
basis of extremes of such estimates for a comparative study 
of the vocational sensitivity of the tests. Thus a group was 
formed of approximately 20 students who estimated their 
ability as executives at upwards of 80% and such a group 
contrasted with another formed of about 20 who estimated 
their executive ability at 10% or less. Similar groups of about 



the same numbers were formed for salesmen and inventors. 
Individual estimates of this sort would undoubtedly be unre- 
liable in the middle range, but it is probably safe in a pre- 
liminary survey, to attach some validity to the extremes of 
personal estimates. 

The average scores of each of these six groups for each of 
the twelve tests are given in table III. The successive columns 
give the averages for the 12 tests A to M. The first row gives 
the average in those tests for the group of good salesmen, the 



A 1 B C 

D 1 E ; F G 


J| K 
















%superiority good 



-8J-30J 9 



8 9 



















%8uperiority good 


16 9 












4 55.2 




5 ? 








6.23. 6J3. 45.3 

%superiority good 



Lll'26» 0Li3 


3 44l-n35 


second row for the group of poor salesmen and the third row 
the per cent by which the figure in the first row exceeds the 
corresponding one in the second, i. e. the per cent by which 
the good salesmen are superior to the poor in the various tests. 
Similar figures are given in subsequent rows for executives 
and inventors. 

A glance at the rows of per cents difference shows the tests 
which in the above group are most sensitive to the three voca- 
tional aptitudes. In salesmanship the most marked results are 
with test L (rearrangement of letters). In this test the good 
salesmen are 59% superior to the poor and the difference is 
3.2 the probable error of difference. The next greatest dif- 
ference is in test B (attention-intellectual) with a difference 
of 24% which is only 1.8 the probable error of difference. 
The superiority of the good salesmen in the other tests is slight 
or negative. 

With executives there appear three fairly sensitive tests, — 
D (construction by selection) and E (sentence completion). 


with diflFerences of 61% and 62%, almost equally sensitive, 
and H (decision), with a diflFerence of 31%, sensitive to a 
somewhat lesser degree. The three diflFerences are respec- 
tively 3.6, 3.3, and 2.0 the probable error of diflFerence. 

Only one test appears at all sensitive to inventive or pro- 
motor ability, viz.: K (principle). The diflFerence is 44% 
and is 3.4 the probable error of diflFerence. 

Thus, assuming a certain validity in the methods of selecting 
the above groups, there are one or more tests which appear 
somewhat sensitive to each of the three vocations in question. 
A further problem is the comparison of these figures with 
results of the. application of the same tests to efficient and 
inefficient salesmen and executives in actual practice. 

VI. Vocational Implications of the Tests in the Indus- 
trial Groups 

The employees of a New England wholesale concern who 
were given the tests were also rated by their managers with 
reference to ability as salesmen or executives. It was thus 
possible to select efficient and inefficient groups of each sort, — 
the only difficulty being the small size of the groups. 

Thus comparing the test results of the 5 best salesmen with 
those of the 5 worst and computing the data as in table III 
there appear possibly significant differences in the following 
tests : ! 

























The good salesmen actually score more highly in most of the t 
tests but the greatest differences are manifest with D (con- 
struction by selection) and L (rearrangement of letters). The 
latter is the test which appears most clearly differential of 
salesmanship ability in the Harvard results. 

Similarly comparing 4 good executives with 3 poor ones: 
Here although the good executives are superior in most of 
the tests, the greatest difference is for E (sentence completion) 
which yields 3ie greatest difference also in the Harvard group. 

Four of the tests, E, F, G and L were given to 40 employees 


















% suDerioritv stood. 





ill an Ohio department store. A person familiar wit)i the 
individuals selected 10 good salespeople and 10 poorer, also 
10 good executives and 10 poorer. The results for the sales- 
people are negative. In none of the tests are the good 
salespeople appreciably superior on the average. This is 
possibly due to the small size of the group and its selection. 
The groups of salespeople were extremely variable, having a 
mean variation of over 100% in several instances. With the 
executives the results are clearer as indicated by the following: 

















% suDerioritv sood 





The good executives are superior to the poor in every test 
but especially so in E (sentence completion). It is to be noted 
that E gives the most distinct results in the two studies just 

The salespeople in the Boston department store who took 
the tests were selected by the superintendent so as to give a 
group of 35 efficient and one of 35 inefficient clerks. The tests 
which yield the greateist diflference in the average scores of the 
two groups are as follows : 

















%8uperiority Kood 






Test E (sentence completion) and L (rearrangement of 
letters) show the greatest sensitivity to salesmanship ability 
in this group. The latter ^hows similar sensitivity in tfie other 
studies just mentioned. 

These results may be, of course, somewhat invalidated by 
the small ntunber of individuals in some of the industrial 
groups and by the use of personal estimates of ability in the 
Harvard group, but it is a significant fact that certain of the 
tests are found to be consistently diflFerential of vocational 
aptitude in all the various groups investigated. Test E (sen- 
tence completion) proves to be in the atove study a test par 
excellence of executive ability, and test L (rearrangement of 
letters) of ability in salesmanship. The results manifestly 
warrant further investigation. 

VII. Suggestions for the Future 

In addition to the above, a number of new forms of tests 
were being devised by Professor Munsterberg with a view to 
further vocational study and standardization. 

1. Test of observation. A series of numbers arranged thus : 


























involving, however, numbers from 1 to 100 instead of merely 
numbers up to 25. The subject marks numbers 1, 2, 3, etc., 
in order up to 100 with a time limit. 

2. Test of foresight. A labyrinth made of letters x and o, 

Z o o o X 
o X X o o 
X o o o o 
X o O X X 

o o o o A 

but much more complicated and involving 224 letters. The 
subject starts at A and by tracing on the o's reaches the 
opposite comer Z. 

3. Test of suggestibility. Two columns of words at opposite 
sides of the sheet, thus : 

212 BURTT 


dog ink 


shirt boat 


book loud 


The subject has to quickly indicate which words in the 
second column are on the same line as the various words in 
the first column. For example " ink " is on the same line with 
"dog," but the word "cat," a line above, is more strongly 
associated with " dog " and may act as a suggestion and appear 
on the same line. Similarly " collar " is a line below " shirt " 
but more strongly associated with it than " boat." Long lists 
of this sort may give an index of suggestibility. 

4. Test of " steadiness." A selection beginning as follows : 
phree stchraute blyoovcextbhl rhyiusi eUiffmee tsrheaclslt 
bluoysree pirte. By reading the alternate letters of each word 
beginning with the second, one may decipher the sentence, 
" He that loveth his life shall lose it." In other material every 
third or fourth or fifth letter is to be read. Thus : 
obnvttrweovniugxcuiecvbitpuythercuexciurswe spells " to- 
gether" by reading every fifth letter. The ability to hold a 
given setting and rapidly decipher a fairly long selection is an 
index of " steadiness." 

5. Test of recognition. Two stories differing only in minor 
details. The subject reads them successively and in the second 
indicates the points that have been changed. 

6. Test of division of attention. A selection in which alternate 
words beginning with the first form one story and alternate 
words beginning with the second form a second story, thus: 
" I The want little to house consult where you, I Professor 
was Brown, bom, about and a in most which baffling I case 
passed of the sudden earlier death years under of suspicious 
my circumstances, life." The subject reads the selection 
intact without pause and then reproduces the two stories as 
far as possible. 

The ultimate intention of Professor Miinsterberg was to 
arrange two sets of tests, — one for vocational guidance and 
one for vocational selection. In the former case the individual 


was to be provided with a set of blanks for each of the tests 
used. An elaborate and detailed set of examples for the given 
test was to be given on the first sheet and the subject was then 
to do the tests on the remaining sheets after having the method 
made clear by the examples. Materials arranged in this way 
were to be provided for each test. Then by comparing his 
results with vocational norms for the given tests the individual 
could determine his aptitude. A somewhat similar set was to 
be provided for employers interested in vocational selection, 
although the two sets would not be identical. Tests involving 
suggestibility, for example, would not be feasible for auto- 

In providing these sets the tests which proved in the above 
and in other studies to be the most sensitive to vocational apti- 
tude were to be standardized with more exhaustive material 
and vocational norms determined. It woidd seem that of the 
twelve tests used in the above investigation the most profitable 
ones to standardize would be tests of rearrangement of letters 
for salesmen and completion tests for executives. 


By F. C. Henderschott, 
Executive Secretary of the National Association of G>rporation Schools 

Because of my position as the founder of The National 
Association of Corporation Schools or, perhaps more correctfy 
stated, as originator of the idea upon which the Organization 
is founded and, further, because of my connection with the 
Organization since its inception as Executive Secretary and 
the working officer, you have asked me to furnish an article 
for the Journal of Applied Psychology setting forth a resume 
of the problems and a means of solving them in connection 
with the human element in industry. 

So far as I am informed there is not sufficient record of 
actual accomplishment, by means of psychological tests, to 
warrant definite conclusions as to the value of such tests in the 
selection of individuals for definite tasks. Something has been 
done, more has been undertaken. Perhaps Walter Dill Scott, 
in the course of a year or two, will give us, from his psycho- 
logical laboratory at the Carnegie Institute of Teclmology, 
something definite, something conclusive, something practical 
as to the application of psychology in efforts to pre-determine 
the inherent ability plus the development of the individual. 
Having accepted such methods of analysis as worthy, having 
determined that the information gained can be applied in a 
practical way, then vocational placement efforts may be made 

At the moment, however, while certain of the larger indus- 
trial corporations of the United States have carried on experi- 
ments, psychological in character, in connection with their 
employment divisions, it is doubtful if there have come into 
existence any accepted standards which may be safely relied 
upon to justify the hope that psychological tests may prove 
of any considerable value in the employment departments of 
industrial institutions. 

Other than efforts to pre-determine what particular class 
of work individuals are best qualified for by natural endow- 
ment, through training, and other development with experi- 
ence as a basis, there are six distinct problems upon which 
information is sought in relation to the individual and his 

(1) A lack of understanding, almost universal in extent 


Upon the part of the individual, as to the law of 

(2) The absence of standards, sufficiently understood at 

least, by which the individual can measure his com- 
parative value as a worker and thereby detennine 
his position among his fellow men. 

(3) A lack of the element of leadership — or a lack of 

knowledge of methods through which latent talent 
for leadership may be aroused and developed. 

(4) A lack of information about or understanding of the 

earlier periods in the history of the world and of 
how civilization has developed. 

(5) A lack of civic vision on the part of both executives 

and workers of industrial institutions. 

(6) The lack of an equitable system to insure a just dis- 

tribution of rewards earned. 

In discussing the first of these classifications, the average 
youth seeks immediate reward. If his eflForts find a reward 
at the close of the week stimulation is relatively easy. If the 
reward is delayed until the end of the month a less number 
will participate in the effort. If the reward be further 
delayed for a period of a year only the exceptional individual 
can be interested. And should the development take the form 
of the ultimate and larger reward which is gained only 
through the more complete utilization of the individual's latent 
talents accompanied by unusual exertion for a long continued 
period, only the so-called "genius" possesses vision suffi- 
ciently strong to f uUy appreciate the fact that reward begins 
with development and keeps pace to the end. 

This condition undoubtedly accounts for the fact that the 
positions which pay the largest salaries usually seek the man, 
whereas the positions which pay smaller wages are eagerly 
sought for by the crowd. 

If psychology can be applied so as to stimulate vision and 
to create a more complete understanding as to the law of 
rewards, the progress of the human race and especially the 
progress of industry, dependent upon human elements, will 
be much accelerated. 

Second: Because of faults in history, and especially 
because of the eulogistic character of the biographies of men 
who have accomplished unusual things, the average boy is 
prone to reach a decision, more or less final in character, 
which rather depreciates his individual characteristics and 

The average youth does not understand the mistakes; 
failures with their resultant depression and those oth^r de- 


ments which go to make up the negative side of character 
and are common to all mankind and comes to believe that 
men of the type and position of Washington, Lincoln, Qay 
and Webster possessed great inherent qualities which he does 
not possess and can not hope to attain in his individual 
growth. Oftentimes the youth goes even further and con- 
ceives deifying qualities in contemplating the character and 
accomplishments of men like Edison, Roosevelt and Burbank, 
whose work is still unfinished. 

Again, it is equally true that the average boy has but small 
if any real understanding as. to what his earning capacity 
really is and just what would be required of him to increase 
that capacity and the extent to which development might be 

It is a human failing to believe that we are underpaid for 
our work, but, should a situation arise through which the 
individual could form an impersonal judgment — if such a 
situation could be brought about — it is very doubtful if any 
large percentage of individuals would give themselves a job 
at the wages which they are drawing. Especially is this true in 
relation to employees of institutions large in character, where 
judgment and vision might prove the determining quality. 

This condition is at the bottom of the unrest of the so-called 
laboring classes. If, by the application of psychology, a sys- 
tem could be determined through which each individual in 
the institution might feel a- reasonable assurance that his 
reward in the form of wages or salary is fair and equitable 
in comparison with the rewards meted out to other individuals 
who collectively make up the working forces of the institution 
then unrest would be minimized or would cease and the wage 
problem would become more scientific and better organized. 

Third: The moment one develops the characteristics of 
leadership he draws away from the crowd. The crowd never 
progresses. The individual finds himself in a new and strange 
environment, a situation comparable to a sudden ascent to the 
top of a tall building. There is not sufficient time nor oppor- 
tunity to readjust his vision. So in the development for 
leadership, the individual finds himself in strange surround- 
ings with no familiar guideposts, no familiar standards for 
purposes of comparison. 

Many fail through lack of adaptability. Many more fail 
because of an over-estimation of their individual importance. 
Other failures may be attributed to uneven development or 
inherited tendencies which result in a passion for autocratic 
power and lack of s)mipathy with the less fortunate of their 
fellow men. 


A better understanding of what characteristics are de- 
manded in leadership and how latent ability may be aroused 
and developed, would materially lessen the number of indi- 
vidual failures. Here is an opportunity for the application 
of psychology to the betterment not only of the individual, 
but also of industry, which would result in a more constant 
and permanent advancement of society as a whole. 

Fourth : Because of religious training and because religious 
ideals lie in the field of belief rather than in the field of 
knowledge, there is no well conceived information as to the 
earlier periods of the human race. 

The more modem, and especially the more bold of the his- 
torians, are inclined to the theory that man's first stage was 
that of savagery and that the human race came out of that 
stage through the discovery of fire and the use to which this 
force could be put. The development of this theory, however, 
seriously upsets many religious convictions with the resultant 
condition that knowledge of the earlier period is contradictory 
and involved with religious beliefs. 

If man did develop out of a stage of savagery little better 
than that of the more intelligent of the beasts and if fire, the 
conception of the gods and their powers, and finally the con- 
ception of the one God of Spirit has been a large factor in 
the progress of the human race toward a higher and more 
godlike condition, then it is time that myths and beliefs, which 
have outlived their usefulness, were swept aside. 

The fact that a majority of scientists and psychologists are 
classed as agnostics and atheists may be attributed to an eflFort 
on their part to differentiate as between the field of knowledge 
and the field of belief. 

It is not that the scientists and psychologists reject God 
and the immortality of the human soul so much as that they 
refuse to accept a certain theology and reject creeds, the 
teachings of which are sincerely believed and devoutly ad- 
hered to by the masses, but nevertheless beyond the horizon 
of the human mind. 

The youth who has thorough information as to the basic 
laws of the physical world and likewise the basic laws of the 
mental world is constrained to attach greater importance to 
the results of scientific investigation — as for example — ^to 
Watt's discovery that through the application of heat to water 
there was secured a powerful agency of energy, than will be 
attached by the youth who is prone to believe that such a 
revelation is supernatural and the will of a Supreme Power 
rather than the result of human activities. 
' If an application of psychology can be made to this condi- 


tion so that human minds, especially the minds of the young, 
will be freed from the distracting influences which emanate 
from the field of belief to contradict well authenticated infor- 
mation in the field of knowledge, there must follow -a more 
logical and a more permanent progress toward better stand- 
ards in living. 

Fifth: Industry, originally carried on in the home, has 
assumed new and strange forms. When industry was a 
feature of the home life it was largely devoid of profit and 
was administered to meet the needs of the family or at best 
the community. But through the use of manufactured power 
and the assistance of engineering skill production has ceased 
to be the predominant problem in modem life and competition 
has reached a state of decay. This condition has given rise 
to the modem corporation. It was natural that those who 
guided and administered corporation activities should have 
sought profits, as under the second stages of industry, or 
after it was removed from the home and became a commimity 

Inability to produce enough to satisfy the demand makes 
marketing by the competitive system possible. The law of 
supply and demand became firmly established, but when pro- 
duction exceeded demand, at least such demand as then 
existed, competition was no longer effective. 

The new period of co-operation is not yet fully instituted. 
The "growing pains" of this period produced the Sherman 
Law and also an antagonistic attitude on the part of con- 
sumers toward big business. 

It is evident to thoughtful, reasoning mentalities that mar- 
keting must be accomplished on a basis which will return a 
fair and just profit to the producer if there is to be permanent 
prosperity. Here again an application of psychology may be 
made in determining standards — ^not only standards of profits, 
but standards of production, standards of distribution and 
standards of ethics in marketing. 

Also, there is required the development of ^a civic vision, 
which will add a more complete understanding on the part 
of the people as a whole, as to the rights of the producer, the 
distributor and the consumer. The tendency has been, even 
among larger industrial institutions, to disregard factors other 
than those contributing to their own interest and their per- 
sonal prosperity. Now it is a self-evident fact that when our 
transportation systems are busy and prosperous our factories 
are operating at capacity, and there is a market for the 
produce of our farms and on a profitable basis. In other 
words, individual industrial institutions cannot conduct their 


businesses apart from the peace and prosperity of industry as 
a whole. 

There is need of a civic development which will visualize 
this picture and to the end that there may be united effort and 
a willingness to co-operate, not to the end that there may be 
profit and prosperity for the individual, but for all industries 
and all people. 

Sixth: Under this classification the discussion takes us 
into the field where reign the contentions of the socialogist, 
the socialist, the I. W. W. and all others who are warring with 
the establishes^ order of things. Theoretically and ideally 
there should be equality of opportunity and equality of 
reward according to merit! Is this possible? 

That there cannot be equality of reward without determina- 
tion of merit has been amply proved. The theory that all 
should contribute to a general bread-basket from which all 
may draw according to their needs has been many timer proved 
a Utopian theory but impossible of realization. As against 
this practical demonstration of the fallacies of the ideal rela- 
tion of " one for all and all for one," there is the other and 
more selfish side of the situation, namely, each individual 
securing through property rights and superior development 
all that he may be able to force from the general bread-basket 
into his own pocketbook. 

Somewhere between these two extremes lies the true solu- 
tion. It may be in collective stock ownership in which the 
workers share, it may be in retirement pensions, it may be in 
group insurance, sick and death benefit plans, thrift organiza- 
tions and the many other activities commonly known as wel- 
fare movements. Or it may be in part in this kind of activi- 
ties and in part through plans and systems as yet indeter- 
minate. But there is a growing school of thought continually 
enlarging in its scope, which is firm in its convictions that 
property is not the first consideration in the attainment of 
happiness, but is rather a means to an end, and that property 
must be relegated to its proper sphere of usefulness and not 
made the continuous bone of contention. To my mind here 
is another opportunity for the application of psychology, per- 
haps having as its object a unanimity of thought rather than 
definite labor legislation. 

It may thus 1^ seen that the opportunities for the applica- 
tion of psychology, through industry, to the end that organ- 
ized society may be improved and the happiness of the indi- 
vidual increased are almost endless and the promise of result- 
ant benefits very great. 


By H. N. Rasely, Correspondence Supervisor, 
Norton Company, Worcester, Mass. 

Each day letters are playing a more important part in the life 
of every business firm and the practice is growing. Letters 
are coming to be more and more depended upon to complete 
many of the important transactions and practically all of the 
smaller ones. Some organizations have found it possible to 
get along without the aid of salesmen, but none would attempt 
to exist without the aid of the letter. 

This widespread use of the mails has brought about a con- 
dition which most of the progressive business men are just 
beginning to realize — ^there is a scarcity of well trained business 
letter writers. The schools have not as yet caught the true 
significance of the situation. This is not to be wondered at 
since schools that previously have given the teaching of busi- 
ness subjects any attention have, for the most part, followed 
the needs of the business firm in so far as they knew what the 
needs were. Since business itself is only beginning to realize 
what it means to have well trained correspondents the fault 
cannot be laid at the door of educational institutions. 

Skilled labor is a term that does not need to be explained. 
The employer has demanded a certain amount of skill on the 
part of tho^e who apply to him for v^ork of a particular nature. 
The stage has now been reached where he must make the same 
demand of those who write his letters. 

The letter is the delicate thread of contact that exists between 
the firm and those who use its products. Because of the com- 
plexity of commercial relations today there are many users of 
products, who know the manufacturers only through the letters 
which are received from them. Personal contact is impossible ; 
the letter has been substituted and it must be relied upon to 
create the same effect as the personal contact would. This 
condition has put some rather heavy burdens upon letter 
writers. To equip them to carry this load successftdly, it is 
necessary that a well defined course of training be given to 
those who are to be entrusted with this important task. 

One organization, realizing this fact, has for the past two 
years been actively engaged in strengthening its letter writing 
force by giving each man a certain amount of training in dicta- 


tion and then subjecting his work to the criticism of a depart- 
ment organized for the purpose. Concentration on a subject 
of this kind for so long a period has accomplished a great deal 
more than was conceived of when the work was originally 
started. Lost motion and waste energy in many cases have 
been eliminated which has meant a direct saving of money. 
This is in addition to the other results which have been obtained 
but which are more or less intangible. The indirect benefits 
were the ones originally aimed at. That the effort has been 
repaid from this one source alone has been demonstrated to 
our satisfaction, but the scope of this article does not allow of 
space being given to prove this statement. 

It is the intention, in this article, to bring out in a brief way 
some of the things which have been accomplished since this 
work has been in progress, and to show the method of attack. 
The firm should be regarded as having two representatives, 
the personal and the written. The personal representatives in 
the case of this organization probably average from 200 to 300 
calls a day. The written representatives make between 700 
and 800 calls a day, for this is the number of personally dic- 
tated letters which leave the mailing room each day on an 

Throughout the entire process the letters, or written repre- 
sentatives, must perform duties identical with those demanded 
of the personal representatives. This similarity of purpose or 
function should always be kept in mind. 

Some of the things which letters are called upon to do are 
to collect accounts, to quote prices, to make adjustments, to 
sell goods direct, to give information regarding shipments, and 
many other subjects. The written representative has certain 
disadvantages in that the man behind the letter does not know 
personally the one to whom he is writing. He cannot judge of 
the immediate effect of his words upon the reader, which, were 
he in personal contact with his party, he could detect by notic- 
ing his facial expression. In addition many things can be said 
in conversation which would be regarded as aside from the 
question at hand, were the same thoughts expressed in writing. 
The letter must produce the effect of a conversation without 
actually being a reproduction of the conversation. 

It is necessary that business letters be interesting, that they 
have a friendly touch, and what is of greater importance 
they must make an endeavor to impress tiheir message upon 
the reader. It is the purpose of the letter to drive home the 
fact or facts contained in it or else the letter has very little 
excuse for its existence. 


Those who receive and read business letters should realize 
that the ones who wrote them were live, thinking individuals, 
people who were interested in their work and in their cus- 
tomers. If the letter writer cannot take this attitude then he 
should not be allowed to send out these impression creators. 
In our case it is desired that those who read our letters shotdd 
experience the same reactions that they would were they to 
come into personal contact with the ones who wrote them. 

It is possible to compare a letter to a person. When we 
meet or talk with a man who has vim and life an impression 
of that person is made upon us. We feel that we are under 
the influence of a character. A totally different impression is 
made when we meet some spineless, shiftless, characterless 
individual. In fact the difference is quite noticeable. These 
same differences in impression can be made by letters. A 
letter can be said to have character or to lack character. Every 
time a letter is read an impression is made. People are imcon- 
sciously analyzing each other in their minds and letters meet 
with the same treatment. That this is true, the writer has~ 
proved for himself by noticing the many himdreds of letters 
which have come back in answer to those which have been 
sent out. This belief is further strengthened by the result of 
a field investigation where many purchasing agents of very 
prominent organizations as well as those of the lesser type 
were interviewed. 

The person selected for dictation work is first interviewed 
by the Correspondence Supervisor. He is then taught to use 
the phonograph which is the dictation mediimi and is kept at 
it until he thoroughly understands how to use it. Clear dic- 
tation is very essential in order that what is said may be trans- 
cribed in a minimum amount of time, thus keeping the operat- 
ing cost as low as possible. 

The next step is to give the new dictator a very complete 
idea of the requirements and just what will be expected of 
him. It is then necessary for him to study a 70 page manual 
which contains instructions bearing directly on his work. This 
manual fills a very important place in the daily life of those 
who write our letters. Each one has a copy of it in his desk 
for ready reference. 

When this ground has been covered the new dictator is given 
a number of letters to which he is required to dictate answers. 
The dictation is transcribed and is later criticised in company 
with the new dictator so that he will know just what to expect 
in the way of supervision of his work. 

Should his work up to this stage demonstrate that he is not 


fitted for letter writing, he can be dropped from the list of 
eligibles with recommendations as to what he had better do in 
the way of further training for himself if he wishes to be con- 
sidered again at some future time. 

Should he show a certain amount of aptitude, he is added to 
the dictating force but his name is kept on what is called our 
active list and nothing that he writes is allowed to leave the 
organization until it has passed the department of supervision. 
His work is followed in this way Until we are satisfied that 
he can dictate letters that will be truly representative of the 
organization. If he does not develop satisfactorily during this 
additional trial period, he can then be dropped from the regular 
force with suggestions as to how he can better fit himself for 
the work. For people who have reached this stage there is 
most always a certain amount of minor dictation work which 
they can take care of satisfactorily in which case they are 
retained on the force. 

When the new dictator reaches proficiency, his work comes 
up for criticism only periodically. 

The procedure outlined is the same whether the new dictator 
has had experience elsewhere or not. It has been the writer's 
experience that the raw recruit reacts more quickly to the treat- 
ment than the person who has had correspondence experience^ 
as we know correspondence experience today. The green man 
is not handicapped by habits wrongly formed. 

A record is kept of each man's work so that it is possible 
to keep in touch with his progress at all times. The following 
figures will show just how closely this can be done. 

Letters Criti- Re- 
Date read dsms % written % 

January. 1917 217 106 48.8 29 13.4 

February, 1917 149 89 59.7 23 15.4 

March, 1917 310 62 20.0 11 3.5 

April, 1917 .-... 252 43 17.1 7 2.8 

Pressure on the points wherein this dictator was weak 
enabled him to make the improvement noted for the months 
of March and April. 

The work of criticism of the dictators is carried on by means 
of a slip on which are given the points wherein it was found 
that our letters were faulty. The following is a list of these : 

Clearness Arrangement 

Incomplete information Cocrect words 

Involved Choice of words 

Awkward Courtesy 

Conciseness Tone 


Sentence length Policy 

Needless words .Subject 

Unnecessary informatuxi Delayed answer 

Repetition Construction 

Emi^iasis Correctness 

This list could be made much longer but the things which 
we have to contend with group themselves very nicely under 
these headings. When criticisms are necessary the principle 
violated is checked. The slip is then attached to the letter to 
which it applies and sent to the dictator. On the slip a space 
is given for remarks, and suggestions for improvements are 
written in this space. A criticism is never made unless the one 
making it can help the dictator improve the passage or passages 
under consideration. 

It would be possible to make criticisms in pencil on the letters 
themselves. This is expressly avoided as every one has a cer- 
tain pride in his work and to see it marked up is discouraging. 
There would undoubtedly be natural resentment to the work 
of criticism if this scheme was followed. 

Needless words, stereotyped phrases, trite expressions many 
times spoil what otherwise might have been a good letter. It 
can safely be said that the character of a letter is often simply 
smothered because the writer has followed the same old hum- 
drum, beaten track by employing forms of expression which 
have been used by thousands of so-called business letter writers 
for many years past. 

Recently the writer received a large number of letters from 
one concern for the purpose of criticism. All were literally 
filled with such phrases as "valued favors received," and 
" thanking you for same." The majority finished with some 
form of the stereotyped participial closing of which the fol- 
lowing are a few : 

" Trusting that we may have the pleasure — we remain " 

" Looking forward with pleasure — ^we remain " 

" Regretting our inability — ^we remain " 

" Thanking you for your prompt attention — we remain " 

" Thanking you for your kindness — ^we remain " 

Imagine a personal representative bringing his visits to a 

close with such meaningless expressions as those mentioned. 
In addition to what has been spoken of, a letter must be 

clear, courteous and concise before it can be said that it is 

When we say clear we mean it should be immediately clear 

to the one who reads it. It should not be necessary for him to 

stop to study any passage. Many times a correspondent will 


contend that a letter is dear but what he means is that it is 
dear to him. That he knows what is meant does not signify 
that the reader will. Lade of deamess has often led to mis- 
understandings and misunderstandings are many times respon- 
sible for loss of time and money. Every thought must be so 
expressed that only one interpretation can be taken from what 
is written. 

Involved expressions are often due to long sentences and 
for this reason the long sentence should be avoided. Not only 
do long sentences lack deamess in the majority of cases, but 
they are hard to read. 

Example: "We would thank you for your telegraphic 
advices in this matter so we may be enabled to give our cus- 
tomers some idea of what they may expect as to delivery as 
prompt as possible." 

The following is just as clearly expressed and the sentence 
consists of 24 words instead of 34. 

Revision : " Please telegraph your reply to us so that we 
may be able to give our customers some idea of when they may 
expect this material." 

By short sentences we do not mean that they should be too 
short, for sentences can be so short that they are curt. The 
style which makes use of moderately long sentences and short 
sentences is best. 

Big words often prevent clearness. The correspondent 
should choose the simple words heard in daily conversation. 
These are necessary for the average person and are always 
well received by the highly educated. The person who uses 
big words is seeking expression and loses sight of impression. 
The purpose of the letter is to impress the reader. Ideas are 
wanted and not mere words. 

An example or two will bring this point out more forceftdly. 

Examples : " We can readily understand how the ineffable 
effect of this order must have placed you in a perplexed con- 

" It is not our desire that you hold this shipment, but on the 
contrary a direct antithesis of the case is desired." 

To the average reader of business letters these sentences 
would not mean snythiag until after he had consulted a dic- 

Awkward sentences are responsible for lack of deamess. 
An example will make it more clear why this is so. 

Example : " The last two items are for cup wheels in which 
connection and if other than straight cups are required, we 
should receive a fully dimensioned sketch." 


Revision : " The last two items are for cup wheels. If other 
than regular cups are required please send us a sketch showing 
full dimensions." 

The use of terms that are not familiar to the reader also 
hinder his obtaining a clear conception of what was in the 
writer's mind. 

Courtesy was mentioned as one of the fundamental princi- 
ples of all letter writing. The correspondent should always be 
sincere and direct. If he has made or will make these two 
qualities part of his everyday life they will be reflected in his 

A discourteous letter or even a sentence can do more damage 
than can be repaired in a long period of time. Discourteous 
letters can destroy accounts that have taken considerable effort 
and large sums of money to acquire. 

Quite often a correspondent is tempted to write a cutting 
answer to a letter that contained abuse and meanness. The 
dictator's Golden Text should be: "A soft answer tumeth 
away wrath." He dare not give way to his feelings to the 
extent of writing a letter the equal of which he received. It 
will only prolong a disagreeable situation. The letter writer 
should bear in mind that a letter fight is the worst kind of a 
quarrel. It may never be possible to straighten out satis- 
factorily the ill effects which are likely to result from such a 
slip as this. 

Sarcasm and sharp language have no place in the business 
letter. They merely tend to make the reader angry and it is 
not possible to do anything with a person when he is in that 
state of mind. 

A grouch is an abomination. He cannot radiate sunshine 
and should not be allowed to give expression to his ugly spirit 
in letters. . The business firm is jeopardizing its permanent 
success, or the amount of success it might have attained, in 
proportion to the number of such decided misfits as are carried 
on the payroll. 

Patience is another virtue. Often times a customer will 
persist in maintaining a certain stand simply because the letter 
writer has not made his side of the case as clear and convincing 
as he might have. In other words he has not caused the reader 
to see his side of the case. 

Another fundamental principle is conciseness. Only enough 
words should be used as are necessary to make the meaning 
clear. All of the information needed should be given, but no 
more. One large corporation in having their correspondents 
omit from their letters all needless words and meaningless 


expressions has found that an estimated saving of $18,000 a 
year is made. The following example will show how the 
principle of conciseness is violated. In the revision all the 
information necessary for the complete understanding of the 
reader is given. 

Dictated Revision 

" The Inspection Depart- We find that it is a grade R 
ment has examined the wheel Crystolon wheel. As it is quite 
and finds it a grade R Crysto- different from a 36 grade J 
Ion wheel. They report that wheel it shotdd have been 
they cannot understand how noticed before shipment was 
this wheel got in with any 36 made, 
grade J Crystolon wheels, as (30 words) 

its general appearance is quite 
different from them and they 
feel sure that the Grading or 
Inspection Departments would 
have noticed it at the time." 
(59 words) 

Conciseness in letter writing does three things: 

It saves the correspondent's time in dictating 
It saves the operator's time in writing 
It saves the customer's time in reading 

The following are. examples of needless words which mean 
practically nothing. These can be found in a large number of 
letters written each day by the majority of business cor- 
respondents : 

"Acknowledging receipt of yours of the above date we are 
pleased to advise that " 

" We wish to advise that due to the fact that " 

" In reply we wish to state that " 

" In connection with this we wish to call your attention to 
the fact that " 

Another important principle of letter writing is correctness 
and it should be considered from three angles : 

Correct form 
Correct language 
Correct information 

By correct form, we mean the appearance of the letter for 
appearance is often responsible for first impression. 
All letters must be grammatically correct and if the inf orma- 


tion is not correct there is danger of losing the confidence of 
the one being written to. 

By creating the right dictation habits the correspondent is 
able to concentrate at the time of the dictation instead of wait- 
ing till after the letter is written before doing his real thinking. 
This saves the expense of revision. 

That this saving through the establishing of habits of dicta- 
tion is worth while is made evident by the following tabulation. 
This is a comparison of the nimiber of letters rewritten during 
July, 1916, with those rewritten during the month previous to 
the writing of this article : 

Letters Fault of Fault of 

Month written Total % operator % dictator % 

July. 1916.... 7.548 222 2.9 74 33.3 148 66.6 

April. 1917.... 10,143 141 1.4 58 41.1 83 58.8 

In the force which handled this work during April there 
were six girls whose experience in our employ was not more 
than three months. In some cases it was less dian that, so this 
result is still better with that consideration. 

The new transcriber or operator is likewise given a course of 
training. The method is similar to that followed in instructing 
the new dictator. For the girl there is a manual of some 70 
pages and it is written in such a way as to answer practically 
every question which will come up in her letter work. Elach 
girl makes a copy of the book for her own use and each page 
is talked over with her by one of the assistants in the Cor- 
respondence Supervision Department. She is given time to 
make a study of the manual and is then required to take an 
examination that consists of 100 questions which are so 
designed as to bring out the points which are not clear in her 
mind. Through this means we are sure that she has learned 
the correct method for writing our letters. The time which 
is usually given to breaking in is reduced and the girl is brought 
more quickly to the point where she is efficient and can realize 
maximum production. 

The letters which the new girl writes are subject to inspec- 
tion and not one is allowed to reach the dictator until it has 
passed through the department of supervision. In this way 
all corrections can be made, for the girl is not allowed to get her 
experience at the expense of the time and temper of the dicta- 
tor. Recently we have had a turnover in our Transcribing 
Department of about 50%, due to the drain on the department 
through promotions into secretaryships and other positions. 
Despite this turnover the dictating force did not realize that 
any changes had been made for their work as it came back to 


them was no different from that which the experienced girl 
turned out as far as the dictators were concerned. Everytlung 
in connection with the typewriting of the letter has been so 
standardized that the girl follows &e same rule whether she is 
working for an official or for an order clerk. 

In the supervision or inspection of the girls' work slips are 
used similar to those used for the dictators. The points on 
which we find it necessary to make criticisms are listed in the 
following columns : 

Date Grammar 

Address Reference marks 

Subject Margins 

Signature Uneven touch 

Spelling Strikeovers 

Punctuation Erasures 

Tabulations General appearance 

Abbreviations Titles 

Capitalization Spacing 

Numbers Miscellaneous 

The method of criticising the operators is the same as that 
in the case of the dictator. All criticisms are made on the slip 
and if it is necessary to correct or rewrite a letter this request 
is made on the slip. No marks are made on the letters them- 

For training purposes we have two rooms which are devoted 
entirely to this work. One is a room for new typists and 
adjoining it is a room for the training of new dictators. Both 
these rooms are fitted with the necessary equipment and all 
equipment is brand new. The rooms are located right next 
to the office of the Correspondence Supervision Department, 
so that they are easy of access and the supervisors can keep in 
close touch wjth the new people. Because of this it is possible 
to get them into line more quickly, since everything that they 
do can be carefully watched. 

An additional advantage is that it helps the new girl for she 
is not disturbed by being surrounded with a large number 
of new people or conditions which would be strange to her. 
Every kindness and consideration is shown her at the outset 
in an endeavor to inmiediately put her at her ease. This atti- 
tude toward its people is one of the foundation stones of the 
organization and it is fitting that it be manifested at this par- 
tioilar point. 

The same is true in the case of the dictator. He can concen- 
trate much better when left alone and in this way establish the 
good habits of dictation before going out into the department 


where in his work he will be subject to a certain amount of 
disturbance by telephone calls and other forms of annoyance. 

One other activity of the Correspondence Supervision De- 
partment is to conduct a class in letter writing for the benefit 
of those who are taking the regular sales and office training 
course which is conducted each year by the company. During 
the past winter there were 21 men in the class, most of them 
college graduates. These men may remain in the home office 
or they may be sent into the field or to the branches. 

Instruction is carried on through problems. Each week the 
students are given a letter problem which is taken from our 
regular work. Letters bearing upon the routine in each 
department of the organization are used so that when the 
student has finished the course he will have some knowledge 
of how the correspondence emanating from the different 
departments would be handled. The answers to the problems 
are severely criticised and the following week the points in 
each are brought up for discussion. This gives each person 
the benefit of the other fellow's thought in connection with the 
particular instance. Both the good and poor letters are read 
in addition to the letter which was originally written when the 
question under consideration was explained to the customer. 

A record of the work of each is kept. For every problem 
given there is a list of the points that must necessarily be 
covered in order to make a complete reply. A specific letter 
problem will give a better idea of how this is handled. The 
one chosen is rather simple. 


"Harris & Company, Framingham, Mass. sent us a pat- 
tern from which to make a wheel. 

" The dimensions were taken, the blueprint made and the 
wheel manufactured and delivered. 

"The pattern for some reason was destroyed. Later the 
customer wrote in asking that we return the pattern. 

"Answer the customer's letter." 

The following is the original answer in this case. 

"Harris & Company 
Mass, Yours September 22 


"After making the wheel on your recent order your pattern 
for some unaccountable reason was destroyed. 


" Enclosed is a copy of our blueprint from which the wheel 
was made. If this does not satisfactorily fill your needs, we 
will gladly make a pattern to replace the one you sent us or 
settle with you for having one made in Framingham. 

" We want to make our error right and hope you will let us 
know what you decide to do 


Order Department 

There are three very important points or ideas to be con- 
sidered when replying to this problem. These are given in the 
following list and are used to measure all the answers. 

1. Pattern was destroyed or lost. 

2. Send a copy of the blueprint which is all that is necessary 

to fill future orders. 

3. OflFer to replace or pay for having a pattern made if the 

blueprint is not satisfactory. 

For each point in this case a credit of 33 1-3% is given. 
For each additional criticism that is necessary to make of the 
letter a finished product an additional credit is deducted from 
the total. This problem was given to 21 people with a class 
average of 76.7%. When it is considered that letter writers 
should be 100% or close to it, it can be seen that 23.3% of 
eflFectiveness was lost. 

The work which we have done along this line can be adapted 
to any organization regardless of its size and the beneficial 
results will be greater or less, according to the amount of 
attention which is given to it. 


By A. A. RoBACK 

It seems rather curious that in the land where ever)rthing 
''muss 'moralisch* sein,"^ as a great critic of Germany re- 
marked over half a century ago, applied psychology shotdd 
have been able to develop to the extent it did, without ever 
being put to the touch-stone of ethics, which has been applied 
in Germany to practically every department of human en- 
deavor, including politics (Treitschke) and military affairs 
(von Bemhardi). In vain do we look for articles on the 
" mordische Grundlagen" or even on ''das Wesen" of ap- 
plied psychology. The most recent accretion to psychology 
seems to have been immune to such considerations. 

The only writer, so far as I know, who saw the problem 
was Miinsterberg, who had a wonderful knack for perceiving 
and defining issues, though it cannot be said that he always 
met them satisfactorily. Munsterberg's Leitmotif is the sub- 
ordination of m^ans to ends. This theme first appears in his 
Psychology and the Teacher^ and is harped upon with slight 
variations in several of his later works. " No science of facts 
can show us any aims and purposes,"* is Munsterberg's dic- 
tum, and in the form in which it is put, one can scarcely dis- 
pute its truth. 

We shall probably all recognize the force of the illustration 
appended, viz., that "the bridge builder, for instance, has 
learned his physics and thus loiows all the laws needed to 
calculate the structure of a bridge, if the two banks of the 
river are to be connected at this spot. But no physical law 
can teach him that a bridge ought to be built over the river at 
this point."* The upshot of the discussion is that " economics, 
and not physics, decides as to the bridge; politics, and not 
geology, decides as to the tunnel, and ethics, not psychology, 
must decide the ends to which education has to lead 3ie 
child " 

1 Ferdinand Lassalle, Bastiat-Schuhe von Delitzsch oder Kapital und 
Arbeit, 1864, p. 90. 

3 The germ of the whole point of view may be found in his Grund- 
zuge der Psychologies especially Chapter V. 

«H. Munsterberg, Psychology and the Teacher, p. 22. 

* Loc, cit., p. 23. 


In another work the doctrine crystallizes and takes on a more 
pronounced shape. " Economic psychotechnics," Miinster- 
berg tells us, " may serve certain ends of commerce and 
industry, but whether these ends are the best ones is not a 
care with which the psychologist has to be burdened. For 
instance, the end may be the selection of the most efficient 
laborers for particular industries. The psychologist may de- 
velop methods in his laboratory by whith this purpose can be 
fulfilled. But if some mills prefer another goal, — for instance, 
to have not the most efficient, but the cheapest possible 
laborers, — entirely diflFerent means for the selection are nee-, 
essary. The psychologist is, therefore, not entangled in the 
economic discussions of the day. ... He is confined to 
the statement: If you wish this eiid, then you must proceed 
in this way; but it is left to you to express your preference 
among the ends."^ 

The proposed limitation of applied psychology is justified 
by Miinsterberg on the ground that all causal sciences have 
to put up with the same renunciation ;• hence whatever short- 
coming this may be, it does not attach solely to psychology. 

Thus the applied psychologist is freed . from besetting 
obstacles and is given a clear path only after submitting to the 
conditions of the direction. The method is quite convenient 
and might easily be endorsed by the present writer if it were 
not contestable on other grounds. • 

The cardinal fault in Miinsterberg's system is undue ab- 
straction ; and nowhere is this fact so patent as in his applied 
psychology. We must all admit that it is well for each man to 
know his place, and not to overstep the bounds of his author- 
ity; but we can not accept the picture of this world as a 
great hierarchical war department where all orders are 
executed by the subalterns without questioning. In life such 
a state of aflFairs does not exist. The world may be a stage 
and all the men and women players, but most people have 
more than one part to play. Can we really divide the world 
into applied psychologists, legislators, attorneys, social re- 
formers, engineers, etc.? Is it not true that legislators are 
frequently attorneys, and may not applied psychologists be 
social reformers as well as scientists ? 

If the different departments of human endeavor were really 
to be subordinated to one another after Munsterberg's fashion, 
we should scarcely ever have any reforms; we should have 

5 H. Miinsterberg, Psychology and Industrial Efficiency, p. 19. 
•C/. his Psychotechnik, p. 40 and Psychology General and Applied, 
p. 351. "^ 


to wait a geological age for the legislator qua legislator or the 
legalist qua legalist to change his conservative, if not reac- 
tionary, way of thinking. It is about this type of man that 
G. F. Arnold says: "Whether wilfully or unconsciously 
blind to the fact that it has no application, he obstinately pur- 
sues the only method which he knows or wishes to know, 
convinced that salvation lies here alone, and affects to have 
solved the problem, though in truth he has all along been deal- 
ing with fictions and has arrived at the most artificial of 

As a rule, the impetus that saves the situation comes from 
another quarter. It is the jurist who institutes innovations in 
the legal profession and not the legalist for whom precedent 
forms the only means of orientation. It is the social reformer 
rather than the legislator who is responsible for progress in 
legislation. Why, then, shall we deny the applied psychologist 
the right of bringing his observations, not merely his tech- 
nical knowledge, to bear on the general situation? 

Yet there is a certain plausibility in Miinsterberg^s analogy, 
which we must examine before proceeding any further. The 
fact cited is true enough. The engineer does not undertake 
to say whether the bridge shall be built. It is his business to 
set the acttial building operations into motion; but it seems 
extremely doubtful whether any Public Works Department 
or economic commission would decide on the building of a 
bridge without first consulting engineering experts as to the 
prospects and possibilities. It will thus he seen that the co- 
operation of superior and subaltern antedates the actual 
decision about the end to be attained. 

But the analogy has other important flaws that must be 
exposed in the interest of our subject, and that only go to 
prove once more the danger of employing analogies in science. 

Suppose we grant that in state aflFairs a given project may 
be launched without, in the first place, consulting the person 
or persons to execute the plan; even so, we cannot apply the 
anaJogy to the case of applied psychology in general. The 
situation is diflFerent in more than one respect; and it is re- 
markable that these diflFerences have remained unnoticed, 
while the view of Miinsterberg, — the theoretician of applied 
psychology, — seems to have reassured the devotees of that 
branch in the belief that their path is free from moral 

The bridge analogy in reality opens our eyes to the issues 
involved. When we ask ourselves : Why is it that the same 

T G. F. Arnold, Psychology Applied to Legal Evidence. 1913, p. 2. 


illustration cannot hold of applied psychology, we discern 
three points of difference between the relation of the legislator 
and the engineer on the one hand, and the advertiser, let us 
say, and the applied psychologist on the other hand. They 
may be enumerated as the diflFerences (a) between the social 
and the individual end; (b) between the moral and the merely 
practical or expedient; and (c) between the objective as inor- 
ganic nature and the objective as human nature. Those who 
do not fully grasp these distinctions will, of course, continue 
to see in applied psychology an instrument to be used without 
discretion at the behest of the first employer. 

The legislative act that calls for the building of a bridge is 
presumably a social measure. The employer, however, who is 
anxious to receive suggestions as to the best possible manner 
of turning out a cheap quality of goods certainly has an 
individual aim before him. Converting these aims into utili- 
tarian terms, it may be said that the object of the legislative 
act is primarily the greatest happiness or well-being of the 
greatest number, while for the entrepreneur, the goal is his 
own greatest happiness, frequently at the expense of that of 
the greatest number. 

This first distinction was already alluded to by the writer 
in a more specific connection. " Although the applied psychol- 
ogist must leave it for others to state what is desirable, and to 
decide on the state of affairs to be brought about, he must 
constantly have the object of his task in mind; and for this 
reason he has a right to examine the purport of the end that 
he is pursuing. He must ask himself whether it serves the 
purpose of the idea for which his labor is to be under- 
taken "« 

The scope of this difference is more far-reaching and more 
ramified than one is led to suppose at first blush, for it in- 
volves a number of other fundamental questions, as we shall 
see later, anent the role of the applied psychologist in the 
sphere of human activity. 

The second flaw in the bridge analogy is even more flagrant. 
It is a fallacy of the day, one that follows in the wake of 
material success. The idSe fixe of the successful man is 
efficiency at the expense of everything else, or perhaps con- 
versely rather, the goal of the efficient man is success at all 
costs. The line of reasoning in his case follows some such 
trend as this : " I am asked to advise X about such and such 
a matter. X knows his business well, and it is for him to 

*A. A. Roback, Psychology of Confession. University Magazine, 
April 1917. XVL, p. 265. 


decide whatever he wants. I am here merely to carry out his 
orders. The why and the wherefore are beside the point and 
do not concern me." In the intellectual sphere such an atti- 
tude would come under the rubric of the lazy argument, but 
in practical aflFairs, this mode of thought is quite active and 
eflFective. School readers and primers abound in stories 
calculated to cultivate just this habit of mind, i, e,, to inculcate 
in the child a spirit of obedience and love of discipline, but 
surely the applied psychologist must have a broader outlook 
on life. He ought to be able to distinguish between what is 
desired and what is desirable, between the professional and 
the moral issues. 

The bridge analogy is more or less plausible, — ^and to a 
great many readers it will probably sound convincing, — 
because here we are moving in a professional realm. The 
engineer must bow to the authority of the legislator or the 
economist, because these are experts in their field, and it 
happens that their field takes precedence over his, though as 
has been stated, the precedence is only partial. The order and 
relationship of the various sciences demand a certain subor- 
dination of some scientists to others. Thus the psychologist, 
in a measure, looks up to the physiologist ; the physiologist is 
somewhat dependent upon the results of the chemist and the 
physicist; and these, in their turn, court the mathematician 
with his positive formulae, but this professional subordina- 
tion has no real bearing on our problem. In setting the actual 
building machinery into operation, the engineer is not beset 
by the question as to whether it is moral for him to under- 
take the task, imless; of course, he should happen to be ap- 
proached by the enemy of his country to further their war 
plans, or a similar predicament should fall to his lot. Outside 
of these rare cases, his task is to determine merely whether 
a given project is practicable. It is diflFerent with the applied 
psychologist who has also to consider the ethical implications 
of his task. 

The applied psychologist has a right to ask whether the 
object desired will serve the social as well as the individual 
end, for the very reason that in ethical questions, it is fatuous 
to talk of professional authority. In such matters, every man 
is his own expert, and, therefore, is not bound to take orders 
from his employer unless the latter's individual aim is, at 
least, not incompatible with the social end. 

In a sense the same problem confronts every applied 
scientist; and we should be in a sorry state (at least in a 
sorrier state than we are at present) were the inventor, the 


chemist or the physicist to consider the immediate end of his 
task only. A suitable illustration may be had from a passage 
in one of Wilde's novels. We quote the impassioned appeal 
of Dorian Gray to his friend of former times, Alan Campbell, 
to destroy, by means of chemicals, the corpse of the artist 
that Dorian had foully murdered. In the following entreaty, 
it will be possible to detect, in a slight degree, the argimient 
of the modern applied psychologist who wishes to keep the 
means and the end entirely apart from each other. 
Says Dorian Gray: 

" All I ask of you is to perform a certain scientific experi- 
ment. You go to hospitals and dead-houses, and the horrors 
that you do there don't aflFect you. If in some hideous dis- 
secting-room or fetid laboratory you f otmd this man lying on 
a leaden table with red gutters scooped out in it for the blood 
to flow through, you would simply look upon him as an 
admirable subject. You would not turn a hair. You would 
not believe that you were doing anything wrong. On the con- 
trary, you would probably feel that you were benefiting the 
htmian race, or increasing the sum of knowledge in the world, 
or gratifying intellectual curiosity, or something of that kind. 
What I want you to do is merely what you have often done 
before." And when Campbell refuses to hear of the matter, 
Dorian's plea becomes more pointed. "No, don't think of 
that," he exclaims. " Look at the matter purely from a 
scientific point of view. You don't inquire where the dead 
things on which you experiment come from. Don't inquire 

It is scarcely necessary to go to fiction for illustrations. 
We have only to mention the idealism of the inventor of 
d)mamite in founding the Nobel Institute, or the seeming in- 
consistency of Simon Lake, the inventor of the submarine, 
in publishing pacifist appeals in the form of large newspaper 
advertisements, while this country was on the verge of war 
with Germany. Inventors of the most infernal war-instru- 
ments will insist, with a certain amount of sincerity, that it 
was their purpose to benefit humanity by their inventions and 
not to contribute to its destruction. This apologetic attitude 
in itself is sufficient to indicate that means and ends are more 
or less inseparable. 

It is only lately that such problems have been coming to the 
fore. Ethical issues have become so interwoven with the 
specific technological problems of the day that many of the 
accepted and time-honored practices of thjp professions are 

» Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray, Chapter XV. 


gradually falling into desuetude. We are beginning to gauge 
things more and more according to their context and less 
according to tradition. The situation as a whole, and not the 
individual practice, is now to be the governing factor. The 
office of the physician, since the days of Galen and Hippoc- 
rates, if not from time immemorial, has been invariably to 
cure, to prolong or to conduce to life. The twentieth century, 
however, has seen a more intimate connection between the 
medical profession and social reform movements, with the 
result that physicians are not guided now, as they were wont 
to, by that absolute maxim which seemed as inviolable as 
a law of nature. And though the action of the physician who 
chose to decide for himself the fate of the new-bom cripple 
raised a storm of protests on all hands, the very act serves to 
prove that medical ethics is undergoing a great change. This 
IS even more evident from the part physicians are playing in 
the birth control and similar movements, such as the steriliza- 
tion of the unfit. The right or logic of such an alliance may be 
called into question, but our interest is primarily in the fact 
of such a liaison, showing us that the means can not be 
absolutely divorced from the end, as Miinsterberg explicitly 
and other applied psychologists implicitly hold. 

The applied psychologist, unlike other applied scientists, is 
in a somewhat peculiar position because he serves in the 
capacity of a go-between, — and here we come to the third 
point of diflFerence between psychotechnics and other kinds 
of technology. The bridge that the civil engineer builds may 
shape the destiny of whole nations, yet it can not be said 
that his energy is directed, in the first instance, toward a 
human objective.^® There is no interaction here between 
personality and personality as in the case of the applied 
psychologist, whose business it is to act as an intermediary 
between two parties, in fact, between two opposing sides. 
The civil engineer does not undertake to influence anyone's 
mind. His work is physical in the sense that any task can be 
called physical. A more subtle demand is made of the applied 
psychologist. He is looked upon as a medium between the 
salesman and the purchaser, between manufacturer and con- 
sumer, employer and employee, advertiser and reader. Theo- 
retically spejiking, his function is to bring about an under- 
standing between the two parties concerned with the least 
expenditure of time and energy. In that case, we might 
regard him as a mental broker whose interest it is to serve 

^®A. A. Roback, Psychology as Applied to the Natural Sciences. 
This Journal, 1917, I., pp. 145-146. 


both parties fairly. Every applied psychologist would prob- 
ably agree, in theory, to this premise. Thus we repeatedly 
find in Munsterberg's later books the injunction that the 
applied psychologist must be impartial, that he must set about 
his task without prejudices, either economic or social. The 
injunction is a good one to have in mind, yet in practice it is 
far from being carried out. In abstracto the applied psychol- 
ogist is in the service of humanity, in reality he is in the employ 
of the one who can pay and actually does pay for the advice 
and other, perhaps more practical, help he is receiving. Couch 
it in whatever terms we please, the applied psychologist is, 
under present conditions, an agent, not a broker. As an agent, 
he looks after the interests of the advertiser, the employer, 
the manufacturer, the salesman, etc. If this conclusion is 
denied, we have only to ask what applied psychology has to 
oflFer to the consumer, the employee, the purchaser, etc. 

It does not require any subtlety to perceive this one-sided- 
ness. The limitation attaching to applied psychology, though 
not inherent in it, has never bsen brought home so clearly to 
the present writer as on one occasion when, after delivering 
a talk on applied psychology to a mixed audience of 
radically-minded people, he was heckled by a moderately- 
educated Irishwoman who, in spite of her prolixity, succeeded 
in making her point. No one, at the time, felt more than the 
lecturer that his rejoinder was only a tour de force, that 
whatever benefits the workingman should reap by the efforts 
of psychology to perfect the industrial efficiency system, the 
advantage accruing to him would be only indirect, while the 
employer is gaining a net profit out of the psychologist's 
findings and management. 

This phase of the story scarcely requires any amplification. 
Munsterberg's work in applied psychology has largely been 
indicted on this count; and it will be instructive to read how 
his Psychologie und das Wirtschaftsleben has fared at the 
hands of a German critic, who speaks in a derogatory manner 
of the Amerikanistische Tendem which' he finds in the book. 
In the detailed review by Willy Hellpach*^ of the German 
version of Psychology and Industrial Efficiency, the tone is 
somewhat more polemical than it might have been and betrays 
an irritated attitude on the part of the reviewer ; but, making 
allowance for the vehemence of his criticism, it is not to be 
denied that Hellpach has put his finger on the weak spot 

^^Willy Hellpach, Hugo Munsterber, Psychologic und Wirtschafts- 
leben, usw. Zeitschrift fur angewandte Psychologie, I9i3-I4- VIII., 
pp. 567-583. 


when he says, in the course of his review : " Der Psycho- 
techniker darf bald um die wirtschaftlichen Ziele sich kiim- 
mem, und bald hat er sie zu ignorieren. Er darf sich um sie 
kummem, solange er sie billigt; solange er jenen Amerikan- 
ischen Optimismus sich bewahrt fiir den die wirtschaftliche 
Prosperitat ein Selbstzweck ist, dem alle, aber auch alle 
anderen Riicksichten untergeordnet werden diirfen. Aber die 
wirtschaftlichen Ziele gehen den Psychotechniker in dem 
Augenblicke nichts mehr an, wo er beginnt sie zu missbilligen, 
an ihrere Gute zu zweifeln. Dann sinkt er in die Stelle des 
konsultierenden Psychologen engsten sinnes zuriick ; dann hat 
er die Probleme zu nehmen, die ihm gereicht werden, und ihre 
beste experimentale Losung zu erwirken."^* 

Hellpach makes no effort to stop and consider the issues at 
stake. He contents himself rather with pointing out the con- 
tradictory phases of Miinsterberg's various steps. In fact, in 
one place, he signifies his willingness to accept Miinsterberg's 
position of subordinating applied psychology to the practical 
pursuits in life, provided the whole scheme works out con- 
sistently. We feel, however, that the problem is more funda- 
mental than would appear from Hellpach's dialectic, and es- 
sentially formal, review. It is for this reason we have sought 
to approach the subject from an analytic angle. It is not so 
important to expose the contradiction as to discover its cause. 

The weakness of the applied psychologist seems to be the 
weakness of every practitioner, ai;id may be called the prac- 
titioner's bias, — a phenomenon most noticeable with the 
lawyer. It must, however, first be established whether the 
applied psychologist is to be considered as a mere practitioner. 
If we attach any value to Miinsterberg's claim for applied 
psychology, then any department of psychotechnics is " nicht 
weniger echte Wissenschaft als die theoretische Psychol- 
ogie!'^^ As a scientist, then, it is incumbent upbn the applied 
psychologist to eliminate, as much as possible, personal 
motives and to serve the interests of humanity at large, rather 
than to align himself with one set of people against another. 
Yet in fairness to him, it must also be pointed out that there 
is more to be accomplished on the one side than on the other. 
It lies in the nature of things that the advertiser, the sales- 
man or the employer is the active party, while the reader, the 
purchaser, the employee is receptive. The former have a posi- 
tive business before them; the latter can only be taught how 
to protect themselves against the measures of the industrial 

1* Loc, cit., p. 579. 

i« H. Munsterberg, Psychotechnik, p. 23. 


and commercial officials. Their task can, therefore, only be a 
negative one ; but even so, it need not be wholly neglected as it 
has been done hitherto, and, furthermore, it is desirable that 
discretion should be shown in catering to consulters. 

If the applied psychologist never takes the trouble to in- 
quire into the aim of his consulter, the situation would be 
imfortimate indeed. It is puerile to take up a legalistic 
attitude in such matters and to further every selfish and anti- 
social motive so long as the undertaking is within the botmds 
of the law. The psychologist knows that an advertisement 
with a sexual setting will enhance its force of appeal, yet 
such information, in the opinion of the writer, is not to be 
•spread broadcast among advertisers, though not a few of them 
are their own psychologists in a practical way. There are no 
keener applied psychologists than the newspaper men in this 
country with their formidable headlines, amplified sensations, 
silly cartoons and infantile " funny pictures." If success 
counts, they must be congratulated on their achievement in 
stultifying the masses; yet what should we think of the 
applied psychologist who, on being asked how to increase the 
circulation of a newspaper, should put those means at the dis- 
posal of the questioner? 

No connivance on the part of a consulting psychologist can 
be justified on the ground that applied psychology is an 
instrumental science and is, therefore, not concerned with 
ends. If we choose to accept this professional view, we shall 
be involved in no end of difficulties. As no purpose is ulti- 
mate, or absolute, there will be a tendency to rule out all 
ends and to ignore every consideration but what is expedient. 
The applied psychologist would then be reduced to the part of 
a Figaro, who manages to steer clear of all scruples, so long 
as he is compensated for his services. We should hope to see 
a brighter future for the applied psychologist than to be 
placed on the same level with the factotum barber of former 

Applied Psychology in the Future 

We have pointed out the chief limitation of present-day 
applied psychology. It would, however, be erroneous to sup- 
pose that the whole department is to be discarded because of 
this defect. As a matter of fact, the defect has arisen out 
of a misconception. 

The conclusion has been reached that applied psychology 
has no voice in defining and determining ends, — ^which is a 
perfectly valid inference, considering the nature of applied 


science in g^eral, — and forthwith it is assumed that applied 
psychology has no concern whatever in the purpose of the 
end to be attained. This transition from an obvious fact to 
an unproven assumption is manifestly unwarranted. We must 
surely realize that there is a difference between the positive 
operation of determining an end and the negative task of 
checking it up. Not only has the applied psychologist a right 
to examine the project that is laid before him, but he js in 
duty bound to do so. 

Applied psychology is still in the stage prior to mitosis. 
When the division does take place, there will emerge two 
types of applied psychologists, each with a different function. 
The time is not yet ripe for a thorough organization and 
specialization of the whole field. It is inevitable that the two 
attitudes should conflict in that department for the reason that 
the territory has not yet been divided. It will not take long, 
however, before we shall see an army of consulting psychoid 
ogists looking up towards the theoretical discussions of the 
few general applied psychologists, whose main office it will be 
to direct the profession along scientific and moral standards. 

At the present time, we are in the process of building up an 
ethics of applied psychology. Naturally this line of work can 
not go on pari passu with the technological part proper, be- 
cause we are dependent for the moral issues on the actual 
problems set us. The same is true of other branches of 
human endeavor. Legal ethics is a comparatively late 
development; and those who were responsible for its creation 
were not practising attorneys, but jurists who viewed the 
everyday cases in a philosophical light and treated them sys- 
tematically as a connected whole. The practitioner precedes 
the jurist in practice, but the latter takes precedence over 
the former as to final authority. 

The fact that there are such thines as business ethics and 
legal ethics, in spite of the proverbial unscrupulousness of 
merchants and lawyers, should make us see what we have to 
expect of further developments in applied psychology. To 
be sure, there will always be a number of individuals who 
would not even attempt to rid themselves of the practitioner's 
bias. The total separation of means and end would impress 
them as the very course to follow, but as this field of psychology 
advances, there will always be enough theoreticians to expose 
that weakness and to demand a certain autonomy for the 
consulting psychologist. 

, Since applied psychology is still in its swaddling clothes, 
we need not be surprised at its being treated by means of ana- 


logies. The mistake of one of its nurses will not thwart its 
normal development. 

In the social sciences, it is the point of view as a whole that 
undergoes a change rather than the particular theories and 
hypotheses. Much of Ricardo's economic theory, for instance, 
is still sound, but it is the new setting of the Austrian school 
that represents the great advance of political economy in 
recent years. Similarly the jurisprudence of the days of 
Austin and Maine is of a different texture from the brand 
elaborated by Jhering. The whole subject now presents an 
entirely di£Ferent aspect with which the great British jurists 
could not have been familiar in their day. May we not pre- 
dict a similar change of viewpoint in the case of applied 
psychology, in so far as it is a social science? 




By A. W. Trettien, Toledo University, Ohio. 

When your President did me the honor to invite me to 
address this body to-night, he suggested that the topic relating 
to Psychology and Psychopathies would be appropriate and 
acceptable. Your interests are essentially medical. Mine are 
psychological and educational. Hence my subject: Practical 
Applications of Psychology in the Treatment of Certain 
Psychopathies (and other Neuropathologies). 

In discussing this essentially technical subject I shall treat 
it from the standpoint of a psychologist and set forth as clearly 
as I can the f tmdamental psychological principles involved, and 
let you make such medical deductions as you may. 

Since coming to Toledo I have been interrogated regarding 
the phenomena of hypnotism, mesmerism, magnetism, spirit- 
ism, clairvoyancy, mind-cure, spiritualism, thought-transfer- 
ence, fortune telling, Christian Science, phrenology and a host 
of other allied interests. Now all of these are without doubt 
legitimate matters of psychological inquiry ; but these inquiries 
suggest the index by which the psychologist may judge the 
present status of the popular notions of psychological specu- 
lation. To many persons who are otherwise very thoughtful 
and intelligent, psychology has not yet risen out of the vague 
fog of medieval mysticism. It is the business of the psycholo- 
gist to analyze the phenomena involved, clear away the chaff 
of superstition and carefully gamer the truth of the soul's 

Psychology has passed from the mystical, purposive abstrac- 
tions to a new day of the study of causal relations. The 
psychological laboratory has been established with its varied 
equipment, for the most subtle analysis and explanatory inves- 
tigation of the mind's phenomena. With the laboratory there 
came the experimental method and technique. It began with 
the simplest experiments on sensations and impulses. The 
higher psychic states however seemed to defy the experimental 
method. But just as in the physical sciences the most complex 

^Read before the Toledo Academy of Medicine, Feb. 2, 1917. 


phenomena have yielded to the experimental method, so the 
higher and more complex phases of the mind's experiences 
have been conquered one by one — ^memory, imagination, asso- 
ciation, feeling, judgment, emotion, phobia and inhibition — all 
have become subjected to the scientific methods and are yield- 
ing rich fruits to science. 

But our modem age is a practical age, and psychology is 
responding to its needs. This new psychology, if it may thus 
be designated, is rich in its possibilities of application to our 
life's problems, wherever the human element is a factor. 
Hence we speak of the psychology of memory, attention, busi- 
ness, crime, pathology, fatigue, fine art, religion, etc. 

The physician is a man of science. But he is more. He 
must also be able to apply the results of science to the pre- 
vention and relief of human ills. He has but one aim, namely 
— the health of the patient. To secure this end he summons 
the contributions of the various sciences — chemistry, biology, 
physiology, and physics for both diagnostic as well as thera- 
peutic purposes. And now, what has psychology to oflFer fot 
the relieving of hirnian ills? 

In the first place, modem psychology has establishecf a new 
relationship between body and mind. As a matter of course, 
mind and body are interrelated wherever action is performed, 
whatever may be our philosophical theory. Physical chanfges 
are accompanied by psychical changes. " There is no neurosis 
without its accompanying psychosis " is a well established law. 
A disturbed liver produces melancholia. A wholesome meta- 
bolism produces an optimistic mind. An affected thyroid gland 
produces a disturbed mental state. On the other hand, the 
converse is true. "There is no psychosis without its accom- 
panying neurosis." The whole muscular apparatus is set into 
motion by a mental state. A picture upon the screen may 
make the cheek blush or turn pale, which means that the large 
groups of blood vessels have become dilated or contracted due 
to the impulse from the vaso-motor nerve fibers. The action 
of the heart changes, the lacrimal glands overflow and fill the 
eye with tears. In a state of concentrated attention, which 
means, physiologically speaking, muscle tension, the posture of 
the body is changed, respiration, circulation, digestion and 
excretion are all more or less affected. The imagination may 
directly stimulate the secretions of both the ductless and the 
duct glands. 

Experiments conducted upon rabbits and other animals show 
conclusively that fear and fright does have a direct influence 
upon physical growth and development. When the animals 


were kept in a constant fright it affected the functioning of the 
glands, changing the chemical processes of the body so as to 
prevent normal development. Observations upon school chil* 
dren go to show that fear of punishment, of examinations, of 
teacher or school-mates interferes with health. Laboratory 
experiments show that the slightest feeling may have its influ- 
ence upon the pulse, respiration, digestion, glands and circu- 
lation. That thoughts give impulse to nerves that enervate 
the muscles. 

In a word, any or all of these disturbances whether of physi- 
cal or psychical origin produced changes of a physical or a 
chemical character that tend to disintegrate or reconstruct the 
tissues. Some of these changes are, in our present state of 
knowledge, irreparable. Some possibly may be restored by 
physical or chemical agencies like drugs or electricity; others 
may be affected by physiological or neural stimulations as in 
the case of osteopathy ; still others by an appeal to the special 
sensory centers and muscular manipulation. The so called 
" cure " is effected in each by aiding nature's processes of 
metabolism. But there ar^ other changes that may be stimu- 
lated by psychical impulses which affect directly the physio- 
logical f imctions as truly as a bath, an electric current or an 
opiate. In either case the effect upon the nerve cell is either to 
stimulate or to inhibit the functional processes of the organism. 
Modem observations and experiments in every field of psy- 
chology verify Seguin's law stated a half century ago, namely 
— ^to exercise an organism develops its function; to stimulate 
the function develops the structure of the organism. 

Without doubt nine-tenths of the organic troubles of the 
race would be prevented or remedied if man responded intelli- 
gently to this simple law of hygienic living. In a simple 
statement the sensations, feelings, pain and pleasures and 
rational thought itself are the re-actions of the physical and 
psychical to warn, to invite, to lead the way to health and good 
fellowship in a world of constant flux. He who nms may 
read and take warning ; or he must pay the doctor's bills. The 
ailments in which the average practicing physician applies his 
common sense psychology are too numerous to rehearse. 
Rapid progress is being made in our general educational cam- 
paign on health that is destined to make for human betterment. 

The second role which psychology is playing today is that 
of a diagnostic function in certain neural disturbances. 
Modem psychology is a biological science; and as such the 
principles of a genetic psychology have developed contem- 
poraneously with the theory of biological evolution and the 


unfolding of a comparative neurology. The tracings in the 
development of the nervous system parallel organic evolution 
from the lowest to the highest forms. In the«simpler undif- 
ferentiated tissues of the lower fonns of life there is a direct 
response to the stimulations from the world without; with 
higher organization of function and increasing differentiation 
the sympathic and the central nervous organization takes form 
up to man where the brain is par excellence the organ of 
co-ordinating functions. The psychical processes arise and 
become an integral factor in the reaction of groups of cells 
that function as ganglia. 

This psychical element may either inhibit or re-enforce the 
original impulse. And all along the line of development every 
species of the race has left its contributions in ganglionic 
organizations in the struggle of life and death, in binding 
together those vital organs that may best sustain such groups 
of co-ordinating muscles as will succeed in doing the world's 
work. The work of Gall and Burdach in tracing these nerve 
tracts, of Forel and Nissl in showing the effect of severing 
nerve tracts, of Hughlings Jackson in formulating his three 
level theory of nerve functionings in the cord and brain, of 
Flechsig and Meynert in establishing the ftmctions of different 
areas in the cerebral cortex; and later work by KoUiker, by 
Cajal and scores of others like Meyer, and Kraepelin has 
paved the way for the group of genetic psychologists like Hall, 
Jung, Freud and their schools, which are tracing the reactions 
of various ganglionic groups in the appearance of different 
psychical impulses, instincts, feelings, emotions, sensations and 
the higher forms of mental, emotional and volitional complexes 
as they appear in the process of mental evolution. And with 
the aid of the psychiatrist they are teaching the nature and 
causes of mental arrests as well as the processes of deteriora- 
tion as they occur in the various forms of psychopathology and 
neuropathology. Practically all of this most remarkable chap- 
ter of science has been written by the generation of men now 
just closing their life work. How are we applying this rich 
fruitage to relieve htmian ills ? 

These studies have thrown considerable light upon etiology 
as based upon the genetic viewpoint. From them we get three 
quite distinct neuropathic periods. The period of infancy, to 
the age of three or four ; the period of childhood, to the age of 
ten; and the adolescent period. Each period is fraught with 
dangers quite distinct from the others. 

First, tile period of infancy is subject to nervous disorders 
in the form of convulsive seizures, paralyses, idiocy, imbecility, 

248 TRETTrcN 

due so far as our present knowledge revels to an unbalanced 
or defective development of the sympathetic nervous system, 
the cord and brain ; the causes have been traced to predisposi- 
tions, malnutrition, toxins, diseases and sudden nerve shocks 
that either exhaust the cells or produce an unbalanced con- 
dition between the motor and the inhibitory powers of the 
brain. If these maladies attack the fundamental or basal 
ganglia they usually interfere with the growth and develop- 
ment of the higher association centers that aflfect the intellectual 
and emotional life. 

What can psychology do to cure these forms of neural dis- 
turbance? Directly, to the afilicted patient, it can accomplish 
nothing except through Seguin's law — ^by a stimulation of 
eflFort and function to structure. Little is yet being accom- 
plished in profound attacks. Indirectly, in the matter of 
tracing causes and organizing an educational campaign of pre- 
vention, psychology is rendering important service. It can 
further assist in psychological diagnostics by placing responsi- 
bility for proper legislation for social and race betterment. 
Psychology can also suggest a course of training that may 
conserve and develop every power of the patient to the fullest 
and best of which it is capable. 

During the second period, the period of childhood, the body 
is undergoing a series of changes that in a peculiar way tax 
the central nervous system and cause neuroses peculiar to this 
period. This is the age of second dentition, and digestive 
impairment is common. It is called the age of anemia. Dr. 
Hertel's studies go to show that in girls the percentage of 
sickness rises rapidly from the first to the third year of school 
life. He concludes that " we must put aside all illusions and 
confess that the present generation of young girls is weakly, 
anemic and nervous to an extraordinary degree." In the 
development of the nervous system the child is passing from 
the sensory to the motor period of life. The accessory motor 
centers of the brain are functioning more or less independently 
in accordance with the race tendencies ; — hence many indepen- 
dent automatisms make their appearance. More than one 
hundred and twenty-five different forms of these have been 
counted. Most of these have to do with the face and hands 
because these centers are most highly developed; they may, 
however, involve the entire motor system. 

These forms of neuroses among children are known in 
medical literature as chorea. Chorea is a functional disease 
which is characterized by irregular, involuntary twitchings of 
groups of muscles. These irregular choreaform twitchings 

psYCH(»xxnr and psych(x»athics 249 

are the outward signs of an unstable and incomplete cerebral 

Psychology can assist in a proper diagnosis of these various 
forms of chorea, it can distinguish those forms which mani- 
fest a depleted vitality, requiring the rest and free play treat- 
ment, from those which are of functional incoordmations 
requiring training and direction through organized habits Of 
application by bringing together the coordinations of the fund- 
amental and accessory centers. These incoordinations are the 
roots upon which all specialized motor training must be grafted. 
During this motor period the effects of infantile cerebral 
paralysis become peculiarly apparent. The paralysis is the 
result of a cerebral lesion which cannot be removed by any 
therapeutic measures. Hope is expressed that good results 
may be obtained by orthopedic appliances and by tendon- 
transplantation. Psychology is just beginning to apply itself 
to the re-establishment of function through the process of 
re-education. This process rests upon the principle laid down 
by Seguin and gives much promise of good results. 

The third period — ^adol^scence — is the age that is peculiarly 
susceptible to the various forms of psycho- and neuro-patholo- 
gies. In consequence of the process of physical and chemical 
reconstruction the nervous system is put to the test in a peculiar 
way. New demands are made by the digestive organs; and 
these give rise to digestive disturbances which manifest them- 
selves in distorted appetites, constipation, and flatulency. The 
heart, in order to meet these demands, may double its size, 
giving rise to cardiac disturbances of palpitation and nervous 
flutter; while the composition of the blood often produces a 
chlorotic condition. These changes tend to produce irritability, 
inertia and a nerve tension that causes in the adolescent an 
oversensitiveness of the psychic. 

With the influx of new instincts and impulses wholly un- 
known to the youth before he becomes morbidly conscious of 
every physical process, he counts his pulse beats, and feels 
their irregularities, and as a consequence he develops a " cardo- 
phobia." With digestive disturbances there appear dermal 
eruptions, muddy complexions and various forms of skin 
disease. These also add to his already supersensitive nature. 
Adolescence is undoubtedly the age of incubation for many 
grave afflictions, " so that the germs of death are now taking 
root," as Dr. Hall says, " like tares among the forces of the 
budding, vernal life." Medical literature in the past has 
neglected the dangers of this most important period of human 


An index of the demands made upon the nervous system 
may be seen in the nature and varieties of neural as well as 
psychical disturbances. From the extreme form of " ideoglas- 
sia," in which the person speaks in his own strange tongue, to 
the more common forms of stuttering we have illustrations of 
nerve incoordination. Before articulate speech is possible the 
higher cerebral centers must grip by the process of develop- 
mental coordination the sympathetics with the special ganglia 
and the brain centers that control the manifold musculatures 
of the speech centers — ^both sensory and motor — respiratory, 
laryngeal, glossal, facial ; in fact the entire being, for the time 
being, functions in conscious speech control, and then reduce 
all again to the realms of the subconscious. Let any one of 
these centers play false and pandemonium reigns — in the form 
of psychical confusion and incoordination in which glands, 
organs and systems fully participate ; and thought, feelings and 
emotions, muscle and neural deterioration, indigestion, chorea, 
and spasms may be the result. Psychology can analyze and 
stimulate through nature's batteries of the cerebral cortex those 
centers of muscle, thought and emotions that require stimula- 
tion and suppress those that require inhibition and thus restore 
the proper balance — controlled speech. These are functional 
impairments that no chemical or electrical stimulation will 

Epilepsy is a disease that has been discussed since ancient 
times, — ^both in medical literature and in Holy Writ. The 
term epilepsy generally suggests nerve spasms, violent seizures, 
idiocy and imbecility — a conflict between the deeper reflexes 
and the higher neural and psychical processes. An epileptic 
may belong to the lower strata of development; but there is 
also the ideopathic epileptic who may rise to the plane of a 
college graduate — these latter forms including the so-called 
reflex convulsions due to an unbalanced nerve functioning 
brought on by injuries, and by excesses of various kinds, 
drugs, opiates, great emotional disturbances and the like, which 
produce profound fatigue. Certain basal ganglia or reflex 
centers gain the ascendency over the cerebral processes. By 
means of suggestion and psychoanalysis psychology can inhibit, 
stimulate or reinforce the dormant centers and thus re-estab- 
lish the normal reaction. 

Hysteria may be described as a defect of will power and an 
excess of emotional excitation, including the hysterical mania 
in children or acute mania of the adolescent period; this dis- 
order lends itself readily to psychological treatment. The 
nerve discharge may be re-directed into other channels; and 


the irritable, excitable, sleepless, crying, laughing, confused 
delirium may by this means be transformed into a calm, self- 
controlled, rational state. In this same group may be placed 
many of the phobias, which persist as emotional complexes and 
attacks. These appear in the post-adolescent years, especially 
in women ; and they tend to make life a burden to the patient 
and his family. Many physical ills are caused by fear of dark- 
ness, of burglars, of cats, of growing old, of being unpopular, 
of unpleasant companions, of irkspme work, of remaining 
single, of child birth, of inconstancy and by a countless thou- 
sand other fears which cause worry and insomnia, and which 
drain the cup of life to the dregs prematurely. Psychology can 
break up these emotional complexes, can remove the vestigial 
core, and can permit the psychic wound to heal, giving rise to a 
personality that is not rent in twain by conflicting motives. 

These are but instances in the realms of everyday experience ; 
others might be reported. From these it is apparent that con- 
sciousness is a potent factor in human history, and that applied 
psychology has an important service to perform in the evolution 
of the race. 

Case 1. Young man, H. H., aged 21 ; voice did not change 
at the adolescence period; voice in high, nervous and uncon- 
trolled pitch. His affliction was of great annoyance to him as 
he is a student in the university and has professional ambitions. 
The afiliction is said to be due to a cold and a nervous throat 
trouble which occurred during the adolescent period ; it has been 
diagnosed as " a congenital insufficiency of vocal cords," what- 
ever that may mean. Chemical treatment by means of drugs, 
electrical stimulation, and mechanical manipulation were with- 
out eflfect. His was a functional disorder due to a psychical and 
neural cause. The vocal cords were examined and found to be 
normal in structure. The nerve tension was released, the con- 
scious voluntary centers of the brain were incited to control 
the correct processes and submerged below the threshold of 
consciousness, and in this manner the normal function was 

Many cases of speech disorders are of this nature of nerve 
incoordination — functional — ^and can be treated successfully 
only by proper psychological methods, cither by suggestion or 
by psychoanalysis. 

Case 2. A boy, B. C, thirteen years old ; at school he was 
rebuked by his teacher ; he refused to speak, became stubborn 
and for several months remained a silent member of the class. 
He was brought to the child clinic on October 5th, last. A 
physical examination revealed no abnormal conditions. His 


nerve reactions were normal and his motor control was good. 
All of the psychical processes, — perception, memory, imagina- 
tion, association and judgment — ^were developing in a normal 
manner. His inhibitions were abnormally strong. 

Several questions of a personal nature were put to him 
sharply when he turned pale. His hands began to tremble; 
his mouth became dry ; his tongue dung to his palate ; and he 
swallowed incessantly. His pulse increased, and he became 
mute. Employing suggestion and psychoanalysis we began a 
process of re-education extending over several weeks, witfi the 
result that the lad appeared before a section of the North- 
western Ohio Teachers' Association during the latter part of 
October and spoke to that body without embarrassment for 
several minutes. He is now quite master of himself. 

This type of case is very common in all walks of life, 
especially among growing children where the process of fxmc- 
tional development and nerve control is incomplete. Suggestion, 
control, and direction of attention in establishing definite habits 
of reaction will prevent these disorders ; these measures may 
bring about a permanent cure if taken in time. 




By Joseph K. Folsom. 

In this paper I shall endeavor to discuss some by-products 
of recent psychological reflection and research in so far as 
they relate to vocational guidance. It is not expected that 
these will be of more than suggestive value. ''What Can 
Psychology Contribute to Vocational Guidance?" would be a 
theme for a voliune. It would include all the applications of 
mental tests of all kinds, tests of skill, etc., to vocational 
problems. But there is a field within the province of psy- 
chology which, compared with this field of intellectual tests, 
etc, has been given slight attention in a really scientific way, 
but which mav prove to be as important if not more so than 
any other. This is the psychology of interests, motives, senti- 
ments, emotions, will — what is often called the "character" 
side of mental life as distinguished from the "intellectual." 
It is not necessary to explain in detail the nature of this 
distinction — ^which is an important one even though we have 
given up the old idea of separate departments of "faculties" 
of mind. Roughly, for our purpose, the one field includes 
the various habits of manipulation (skill), language and other 
symbolic habits (intelligence), and of sensory impression, all 
of which habits are of significance not as individual habits, 
but through the abilities which result from them, which can 
be measured by tests. The other field, which is our present 
subject of discussion, includes the emotional reactions, among 
them satisfaction and annovance, with their connections to 
various stimuli. What is of significance here is not so much 
measureable abilities resulting from them, 'but the habits 
themselves — ^that is, the strength of the various emotional 
reactions and the nature of the stimuli to which they have be- 
come attached. 

This domain has been largely the prey of pseudo-science, 
and whoever enters it puts his activities therein in great 

^ Paper submitted to Mr. Meyer Bloomfield in partial fulfillment of 
requirements of course in Vocational Guidance: Teachers' College, 
Columbia University, May 19, 1917. 


danger of being colored by a suspicious and unscientific 
flavor. Nevertheless, although phrenologists have made char- 
acter traits separate departments of mind, revealing them- 
selves in "bumps" on the skull, although amateur psycholo- 
gists of the business world compile long lists of character 
qualities without meaning or defined purpose, although pseudo- 
scientific formulas for reading character on the basis of crude 
analogies and undemonstrated correlations are spread abroad 
and commercialized; still this is a legitimate field for really 
scientific consideration. 

(1) My first suggestion is that the objective or behavior- 
istic view of human nature be taught to vocational scientists 
and that they be encouraged to think in these terms. By this 
I mean, practically speaking, that the fundamental terms or 
units in which human character must be conceived, are 
stimulus and response, and not ideas or sentiments or images 
or any bits of "mental content" or "mental stuff" or "data 
of consciousness." By this I do not mean that these subjec- 
tive terms are not to be used at all, but that when used they 
are to be recognized for what they are, — i. e., simply names 
for various types of relationship which we observe or infer 
between stimuli and responses and the environment, and not 
as the ultimate data of a psychic world order distinct from the 
physical world. At present I cannot say specifically just how 
this difference of philosophical conception would make a dif- 
ference in the practical efficiency of vocational guidance, but 
if clearer and more rational conceptions are ever agents of 
improvement, we need not doubt their value here. I can 
easily point out how the pbjective conceptions would seem 
very likely to facilitate other conceptions that would solve 
vocational problems more efficiently. The beneficial effects 
would be mainly indirect, but none the less important. 

(2) Growing out of this is the problem of character 
qualities. The first impulse in attempts to tabulate human 
nature for vocational purposes is to make out a great list of 
qualities. Many employment systems demand that the indi- 
vidual be rated in dozens of these traits, listed like physical 
measurements. The trouble with this method as it is usually 
used is, first, that the conception of " qualities of character " is 
misleading. It is static and should be dynamic. A man does not 
" possess " so much honesty and justice and conscientiousness 
and leadership in the sense that he " possesses " a head and 
two arms or a 36-inch chest circumference, but these adjectives 
are to be thought of as naming characteristics of his behavior 
and its stimuli. 


Second, these trait lists could be handled with more intel- 
ligence if they were properly distinguished according to the 
kind of relationship designated. Thus traits fall into two 
groups, (1) those that designate kinds of behavior, and (2) 
those that designate the stimuli to which many kinds of be- 
havior are attached. Under (1) would come energy, kind- 
ness, aggressiveness, cheerfulness; while under (2) would 
come patriotism, loyalty, honor, justice, morality, — ^what are 
called " sentiments." If this distinction were borne in mind, 
traits would be more intelligently used and interpreted, with 
regard to their origin, permanence, and vocational significance. 

A third trouble with these traits is that they fail to discrim- 
inate between different situations, and they assume too great 
generality. A man may be very aggressive in familiar situa- 
tions, but timid in strange surroundings. Lack of concen- 
tration may be simply inability to cencentrate on certain kinds 
of work. The most cheerful individual in the office when 
things go right may be the ugliest when things go wrong. 

To obviate this difficulty several methods might be used. 
One is to specify on these character blank forms all the more 
important and critical situations which come up in the occu- 
pational daily life and record the individual's reaction to each. 
Schematically, the question would be put: How does A, as 
compared with other individuals, react to the following situa- 
tions? — ^Then follow a list of situations and stimuli such as: 
being alone, noise, being criticised by a superior, outdoors, 
close confinement, mechanical detail, dirt, dangerous tools, 
carelessness of inferiors, etc. Such a list could easily be de- 
vised to represent the most important situation-elements in 
any vocation or in vocations in general. Dean Schneider has 
well recognized this principle in his list of characteristics of 
men and jobs. Several of his traits, such as settled vs. roving, 
indoor vs. outdoor, directive vs. dependent, small scope vs. 
large scope, belong to this category, i. e., they refer to stimuli 
rather than to general qualities of behavior. 

This matter is wonderfully clarified by the principle of the 
conditioned reflex, a concept developed in studies of animal 
behavior, and in terms of which the behaviorists would ex- 
plain all human learning and the development of character. 
Briefly, it is this. If when a dog is fed a bell is always 
sounded within his hearing, after some repetitions the sound 
of the bell alone, without the food, will produce secretion of 
saliva, although previously it was a perfectly indifferent 
stimulus to the animal. The secretion is an original reflex act 
as provoked by the original stimulus of food tasting; but as 


produced by the bell it is an acquired or conditioned reflex, 
the bell being called the conditioned stimulus. The two 
stimuli have become associated through their being presented 
together many times. Now the same principle governs all our 
reactions, those that are called thinking and feeling as well as 
secreting saliva. A man may come to loathe indoor work 
because some past condition which produced illness was 
associated with indoor environment, not because of any gen- 
eral quality of "restlessness" or what not. A man may 
resent criticism so severely that his vocational efficiency is 
impaired, not from any general quality of independence or 
" faiow-it-all-ishness " but because of some childhood expe- 
riences. The effects of noise, fatigue and environment upon 
the worker, which also have been well discussed by Dean 
Schneider, and the general " energizing " effect, as he calls it, 
of various occupations, is partly a matter of these conditioned 
reflexes rather than of generic traits. It may well be remarked 
that all this does not teach a good practical observer of human 
nature anything that he doesn't know already, but I would 
answer that it will be apt to make him pay more attention 
to some of these things he knows, with resulting profit in 
analysis and judgment. 

Another possible method of recording character would be 
to specify the reactions and inquire as to the stimuli. Thus, 
might be asked: In what situations is A cheerful, in what 
situations depressed, what stimuli make him angry, bashful, 
enthusiastic, indifferent, etc.? I have asked the question of 155 
men, " What situations arouse in you the most anger or irrita- 
tion?" and I found that the most numerously represented 
group of stimuli in the answers so far analyzed (73) consists 
of various forms of self-assertive and doimneering behavior of 
other persons, such as egotism, bullying, insults, ridicule, etc. 
It is possible that useful information of this kind might be 
gotten from self analysis supplemented by the observations 
of others that might be of real value in selecting jobs and 

A still better method would be to ask for a free and de- 
tailed description of the individual's habits, specifying the 
general respects in which analysis is desired, such as the 
general heads leadership, energy, adaptability, intellect, 
efficiency, etc., but leaving the particular stimuli and reactions 
both to be described by the individual himself or his judges 
(preferably both). In doing this the scheme of F. L. Wells 
(Psy. Rev. 21 :295) might well be followed, adapting it to 
the particular purpose. In this way information more specific 


and hence more valuable would be secured than from any cut 
and dried list of items made up a priori. A useful variation 
of this method would be to ask, "List the respects in which A 
is superior to the average, and the respects in which he is, 
inferior. What are his most noticeable characteristics?" 
Information of the kinds suggested here is commonly ob- 
tained in letters of recommendation, etc., and the method of 
getting it could be standardized. The best results are probably 
to be obtained by using a method which calls for some stand- 
ardized judgments, and some free answers which give leewav 
to describe individual peculiarities that cannot be standardized. 
Many of the most important characteristics of individuals for 
vocational efficiency are such as cannot be described in one 
word or a few words, but must be described as certain well 
specified reactions to certain well specified stimuli. 

That the stimuli cannot be too well specified is illustrated 
by the following personal case : One of the students in reply 
to my questionnaire stated that the " quiet regular life " was 
the foremost motive for his choice of vocation (teaching). 
This suggested that we might have here a fairly definite 
stimulus-element on the basis of which individuals could be 
classified for vocational purposes : those who like quiet regu- 
larity and those who like adventurous irregularity. Certainly 
this seems a fundamental distinction. To test its validity for 
persons, I made the nearest and easiest observation possible — 
on myself. A little introspection showed that both motives, 
the desire for quiet regularity and the desire for great excite- 
ment and irregularity, are equally strong in me and each has 
dominated some of my activities for a considerable period. 
I like a quiet regular life in the sense that I do not like uncer- 
tainties and I do not like a conflict of interests ; that is, I like 
to do one thing at a time and do it well and above all not be 
compelled to think about an)rthing else while I am doing it. 
On the other hand, I like an irregular adventurous life in the 
sense that in this work itself, or closely related to it, there 
must be great intensity and variety of stimulation — ^movement, 
continual progress, varied social contacts, travel, energetic 
activity physical and mental, new and unusual experiences. 
Thus it would seem that this desire for a quiet regular life 
may be one or both of at least two distinct and independent 
things: one the love of concentration and dislike of 
gambling, chance-taking, and uncertainty ; the other, the ability 
to get along without great variety and intensity of stimulation. 
The experience of o5iers might break up these elements into 
still smaller elements. Thus no doubt, most any of us enjoy 


some routine which we call " interesting," and dislike " unin- 
teresting" routine. Sometimes I feel that the best way to 
describe any one's character is to say that " he likes what he 
does like and dislikes those things which he really does dislike." 
We hope, however, for improvement upon this. 

(3) These considerations throw light on the value of 
photographs for selection of applicants. Experiments by 
Cogan and HoUingworth show that the correlations between 
character traits as judged by associates and the same trait as 
judged from photographs by any one judge selected at random 
is exceedingly low, although the correlation with the average 
of many judges of the pictures is better. It is barely possible, 
however, that the photograph might prove to be much more 
valuable than these figures show, because it seems often to 
indicate individual characteristics which cannot be described 
in terms of definable traits. As HoUingworth observes in 
his discussion of physiognomy, (Vocational Psychology p. 34) 
there are several ways in which facial features may be related 
to actual behavior. One of these is that facial lines may 
register emotional habits which have been formed. Another 
is that the reactions of other persons may tend to produce in 
an individual the traits which are expected of him by virtue 
of traditional associations with appearance. In selecting per- 
sons for occupations in which success depends upon ability to 
handle persons rather than things, certainly appearances have 
great influence irrespective of any behavior traits they are 
supposed to indicate. For such occupations the customary 
practice of judging from photc^raphs certainly has this in its 
favor. Harrington Emerson has used this method to eliminate 
the greater number of applicants for positions, with satis- 
faction. It is impossible to say just what its value is. 

(4) I shall summarize briefly some data concerning the 
motives of vocational choice. These were obtained from two 
questionnaire studies made by me, one upon 206 distinguished 
men of America (taken from Who's Who), and the other 
upon 155 upperclassmen of a small college (the entire two ' 
upper classes). The questions put to the students were: 
"What is your intended vocation? If not decided yet, what 
is the difficulty, and what possible lines of work are you con- 
sidering? Please mention briefly, in the order of their 
importance, the chief motives for your choice. If your choice 
is not your real preference, what would you most like to do ? " 
The eminent men were asked, among other vocational ques- 
tions, " Chief niotives influencing final choice." 

The motives of vocational choice, as reported in the 


answers to the questions, seem very similarly distributed 
among these students and among these eminent men who 
were in college thirty years ago. 

The following classification of these motives seems to come 
very naturally, and from both sets of data. They are desig- 
nated as follows : 

Int. — Interest, liking, or preference for the work for its own 

Adv. — Advantages accompanying the occupation but not in- 
trinsic to it, such as outdoor life, independence, 
liking to be in command. 

Amb. — Ambition, desire for influence, power, or success. 

Soc. — Desire for social contacts of various kinds. 

Ser. — Service to humanity or community. 

Duty — ^A call, sense of duty, etc. 

Fit. — Belief in one's fitness or experience for the work. 

Opp. — Opportunity to enter the work or succeed in it, general 
or specific, "big field." 

Fin. — ^Financial motive — ^money, profit. 

Nee. — Necessity, usually for financial reasons. 

Inf. — Influence of parents or friends. 

Tra. — Tradition — " It was expected of me," " Always planned 
for it," a tradition in family. 

Elim. — Elimination — This seemed the only thing left after 
giving reasons against other occupations. 

I believe most all choices could be brought under these rubrics. 

Since the niunber of cases for any specific occupation is 
small, the only very reliable results that I can get from my 
data are obtained by grouping the occupations under the few 
large heads shown below. This grouping is not a temporary 
whim or makeshift, but is related to one of the chief things 
I have been interested in studying, namely, the psychologiail 
diflferences between men of technical, impersonal interests, 
and those of relatively human, personal interests. With the 
students, agriculture is set by itself, as a somewhat special and 
significant vocation. It is one of the most popular of the 
technical courses at this college. 

Each student gives from one to five of these several motives 
for his choice. In the table are given the frequencies of 
mention of these several motives for each occupational group 
and for the whole; the same for the eminent men. Each 
mention scores one point for that motive, with these excep- 
tions: The first motive mentioned, if more than one are 
given, scores 2 points, and if it is the only one mentioned it 



scores 3 points. The answers of the eminent men were 
weighted in a somewhat similar manner. 

'Die 13 motives were reduced by combining similar ones to 
8 categories as given below in the table. 

Percentages of 
various groups of 
motives of the 
total nmnber 
(wei|ghted) of 
motives men- 
tioned by 155 
students and 200 
eminent men 
for their 
vocational choice 


tion not 


















\ 8.6 


[ 5.6 

















































90.0 37.8 194 










■3 en on 








Students— Occupational Distribution 

Vocations chosen No. % 

Ministry 11 7.1 

Law 7 4.5 

.Teaching 13 8.4 

Business 13 8.4 

Journalism and advertising 2 1.2 

Other 1 0.6 

Human 47 




SnjOBSTS'-OccxjPATiatiAL DiSTRJBunaN— Continued 

Agricultural . 28 18.0 




155 100.0 

155 100.0 

The eminent men who responded were classified as to occupation so 
as to agree with the above, as follows: 



Tecbni<=^ SSSs 

Professors of educatKm 

Business— financiers 

Lawyers and judges 



School executives 


The men questioned were 
arbitrarily selected to rep- 
resent certain occupations 
typical of the human, tech- 
mcal, and other groups. 

[Electrical engineers 

Aeathetic {^ggans 

We cannot put too much faith in these iig^es but they are 
suggestive. A crude comparison between the students as a 
whole and the eminent men as a whole would hardlv be just, 
because of the somewhat different vocational makeup and 
method of selection of the two groups, the slight difference in 
the questions asked and the manner of treating the answers, 
and the different viewpoint of a successful man of 50 from 
that of a student of 22. But if we not^ the differences 
common to technical and non-technical groups alike, we 
observe that the older men seemed more motivated by financial 
reasons and the method of elimination, and the students by 
service and belief in their fitness. This may be only a differ- 
ence in viewpoint and frankness. On the whole, the agree- 
ment between the results of the eminent men and the students 
is very satisfying. That nearly half of the motivation for 
vocational choice among college men is sheer liking or interest 
for the work seems established. It is evident that this motive 
plays a much greater part in technical and scientific occupa- 
tions. On the other hand, law, teaching and the ministry are 


more apt to be chosen for some less intrinsic satisfaction^ 
such as social contacts, desire for leadership ; and for service 
or for financial reasons. Even if the extrinsic satisfactions 
are added to the interest motives, on the theory that their 
distinction from the latter is merely due to the way occupa- 
tions are conventionally thought of, the technical men still 
excel in motivation by liking and satisfaction. 

With the agricultural students the distinction between likii^r 
for the work itself and for its accompanying advantages is 
especially hard to make, the latter including love of outdoors, 
of nature, " like to be near animals," health, etc. If we com- 
bine all these under interest, we find that the agricultural 
group is superior to all the others in this motivation, except 
the eminent artists and musicians, who proverbially are 
motivated almost entirely by liking for their work. 

The superiority of the non-technical students over the older 
men of the same kind of occupations in interest motives seems 
to suggest that we are approaching an era in which the con- 
ception of these vocations will be changed — so that the min- 
istry, teaching, law, etc., will be thought of more and more as 
scientific, expert occupations, into which men will enter be- 
cause of sheer love of the work, and less from indirect 

Under the technical occupations, which here include medi- 
cine, civil, electrical and mechanical engineering, chemistry 
and ceramics; and also in the agricultural group to some 
extent, the students are influenced much by belief that " there's 
a good field for this land of work." This belief is probably 
derived largely from hearsay. It illustrates one of tiie main 
points of service for vocational guidance. Another noticeable 
thing is the stock evaluation of the advantages of different 
occupations, such as the ministry for service, business for 
opportunities and success, and agriculture for health, outdoors 
and independence. Another point that ought to be investigated 
is parental imitation in choice. Although my cases are too few 
to establish an3rthing, they suggest, and common experience 
suggests, that there is a greater tendency for son to follow 
father in the medical profession than in any other profession. 

(5) The psychology of interests and motives reveals two 
seemingly opposite principles. One is the permanence of 
interests, as shown by a statistical study by Professor Thorn- 
dike (Pop. Sci. Mo., 1912, Nov. Also in " Readings in Voca- 
tional Guidance"), and Kent's "Constructive Interests of 
Qiildren." The other is the principle that the same general 
interest may be satisfied equdly well by a great variety of 


possible vocations. Any one vocation, such as that of the 
business executive, furnishes elements that would satisfy men 
of a wide variety of desires and motives. Unless the indi- 
vidual possesses certain habits of feeling, i. e., conditioned- 
reflexes, that limit greatly his sphere of possible satisfaction, 
both he and the job are exceeding flexible. 

(6) We have seen that motives and sentiments are very 
real things and worth studying, but they are exceedingly 
illusory, inconsistent and misleading. Our emotions and senti- 
ments are safe guides only in so far as they are anchored to 
the rock of knowledge. It is intelligence that clarifies. Half 
of the traditional notions about the satisfactions and advan- 
tages of various occupations, and the various sentimental atti- 
tudes toward them, melt like mist in the light of accurate 
information. The function of vocational guidance has been 
sadly misconceived. Reasoning from analogy with the 
" natural sciences " and arts like chemistry and engineering, 
it is supposed likewise that vocational science puts in the 
hands of experts knowledge by which they can direct and 
control the material in their hands, i. e., fit men to jobs on the 
basis of their abilities and interests. But the function of the 
mental and social sciences, including vocational guidance, 
must in the nature of things be diflFerent. It can not be cen- 
tralized control, but rather the dissemination of knowledge 
and illuminating ideas by which all persons will be enabled 
to guide their own lives more intelligently. We cannot choose 
a vocation for any individual, but we can place before him 
such information that many mistakes commonly made would 
be practically impossible. 

This educational function of vocational guidance naturally 
consists of two parts. The one, which has been well dis- 
cussed in the literature, is the field of information about occu- 
pations, their requirements, opportunities, distribution, 
rewards, etc. This, which is certainly the most essential field, 
might be called occupational sociology. The other field, to 
which slight attention has been given so far, is knowledge of 
human nature. It is to this that I would call attention, as 
my final suggestion. I believe that a complete program of 
vocational guidance in a school system, especially in the col- 
leges and high schools, should include some kind of a course 
of study of the science of human nature ; the purpose being to 
teach the youth a more intelligent understanding of himself 
and of other persons. In other words, I would advocate the 
study of elementary psychology and social psychology at least 
as far down as the high schools, and reading courses in the 


same for employed, continuation school students, etc. Not 
that the name psychology is essential, nor that the subject 
would be taught in anything like the traditional text-book way. 

Such a course should include the following topics: The 
nature of stimuli and reactions, the formation of habits, the 
principle of the conditioned reflex (call it what you will), the 
most eflFective modes of learning, the nature of sentiments and 
interests, the nature and conditions of ability, the concepts of 
continuous variation and individual differences ; and above sll, 
the psychology of custom, convention, tradition, and fashion. 
The last I would interpret in the light of Trotter's "herd- 
instinct " — the concept of man as a gregarious animal and 
hence fundamentally irrational in his beliefs and activities, 
including his vocational sentiments and adaptation to voca- 
tional life, which unreason can be corrected only by patient 
study and open-mindedness. These concepts properly inter- 
preted and adapted to age and past education would, I believe, 
be no more difficult, and far more interesting, than much of the 
traditional subject-matter students are now compelled to 
absorb. A good deal of material of this kind is presented now 
in the English course, including composition, public speaking, 
literature, courses in business forms, courtesy, etc. This is 
valuable : the possibilities of its development are illustrated by 
Davis' book on " Vocational and Moral Guidance." In general, 
however, I do not think the English course is adequate for 
what I suggest. For one thing, the English teacher teaches a 
subjective psychology, whereas I &lieve the objective 
psychology of stimuli and behavior is the thing needed. 
Secondly, the English course makes language too much of an 
end in itself — ^places the established forms on a sacred 
pedestal — instead of viewing them as mere tools for efficient 
communication and thinking. Third, the English course as 
usually taught is colored by too great a reverence for the past 
and not enough for progress and efficiency. 

Such li course of study would, I believe, materially aid the 
youth to tmderstand his own attitudes and sentiments toward 
vocations, the mass of traditions and conventions to which 
he must adapt, and the peculiarities of his fellow men whom 
he must obey, command, or co-operate with, in vocational life. 
The aim would be not a morbid introspection of self and 
motives, but an intelligent, objective understanding of self 
that would do away with this very morbidness of which intro- 
spection is accused. 


By Edward L. Thorndike, Teachers College, Columbia University 

/ Twenty-nine adults worked at grading printed compositions 
for approximately two hours on each of two days as con- 
tinuously as they could. The speed of the work was scored 
by the time required for each ten compositions; the quality 
of the work was scored by the average deviation (regardless 
of signs) of their grades from the average judgment of twenty 
or more competent graders; the satisfyingness or tolerability 
or zest or interest of the work was scored from to 10 at 
the end of each approximate twenty minutes, meaning the 
greatest discomfort or distaste or aversion the subject had ever 
experienced for mental work in his life ; 5, his average enjoy- 
ment of mental work during the year or so past ; and 10, the 
greatest interest, zeal or satisfaction he had ever experienced 
in mental work or play. 1,-2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 were to 
mean equal intervals from the to 5 and from the 5 to 10. 
A half -hour of fore-exercise was taken to familiarize the sub- 
ject with the method of grading. 

The general result is that the quantity and quality of the 
product produced per unit of time both remain substantially 
the same during the two-hour period, but that the satisfying- 
ness as reported decreases greatly. It decreases rather steadily 
from beginning to end. The facts are as follows : 

Dividing eadi individual's work during the two-hour period 
into three approximately equal successive parts, the average 
errors per composition in successive sixths stand in the pro- 
portions : 

100 103.8=1.7 101.6±1.7 

The average times required to read and grade the composi- 
tions in successive thirds stand in the proportions : 
100 97.3 ±1.0 100.6 ±1.0 

The average degrees of satisfyingness in successive sixths 

4.4 4.0 3.6 3.4 2.8 2.6 

These facts concerning satisfyingness are repeated in Fig. 1. 

The curve of work done (in the sense of the quantity and 
quality of product produced per unit of time)^is thus approxi- 
mately a line of zero slope, but the curve of satisfyingness of 



the process of producing it shows a sharp descent. I present 
(in Fig. 2) curves separately for those whose satisf3ringness 
in the first twenty minutes was from 3 to 4, those beginning 
at from 4 to 5, and those beginning at 5 to 6.0. Two individ- 
uals who began with a satisf3ringness of 1 and 2 respectively 
f otmd the work equally intolerable throughout. 

These facts support the general doctrine that the effect of 
lack of rests is far greater upon whatever is the physiological 
basis of interest, willingness, or tolerability, than upon the 
physiological basis of quantity and quality of product pro-, 
duced. Or, in other words, die mechanisms determining the 
mind's achievement are left able to do their customary work, 
but in such a condition that their customary action is less satis- 
fying, so that (except for extrinsic motives) the individual 
would relax, intermit or abandon the action in question. 

Five individuals performed an experiment the same as that 
described above, save that they worked for four hours con- 
tinuously, instead of for two two-hour periods. The results 
from their records confirm the results already given. The 
average errors in successive sixths of the five hours were in 
the proportions : 

100 99 98>^ 98 92 92 
The average time required to read and grade the composi- 
tions were in successive sixths in the proportions : 

100 95 93 95 94 97 
The average scores for satisfyingness were for successive 
twelfths of the four hours : 

6.0, 5.7, 5.2, 5.0, 4.6, 4.3, 3.6, 3.3, 2.8, 2.4, 2.5, 2.2 
The curve for satisf3ringness is thus as shown in Fig. 3. 

Fig. 1. 

General Average Curve of Satisf3ringness During 
Two Hours. 



6 - 

H - 

Fig. 2. Average Curves of Sutisfjringness of Three Groups 
Differing in Initial Satisfyingness. 

Fig. 3. Average Curve of Satisf}ringness During Four Hours. 


By Herbert W. Rogers, Columbia University. 

1. Statement of the problem. 

The present study represents an attempt to actually test out 
in practice the method of " empirical vocational tests " and to 
discover, if possible, tests for specific commercial ftmctions 
which may have practical significance. To quote HoUing- 
worth's account of this method: "If the test records and 
ability of any particular type of work show a high positive 
correlation so that an individual who is good, medium, or poor 
in the one is, as a mere matter of fact, also found to be good, 
medium, or poor in the other, then, without further analysis, 
the one may be used as the sign of the other." 

The type of work selected for correlation with the tests 
in this experiment was the work included imder the term 
" stenographic ability." The three external factors in steno- 
graphic ability seem to be a knowledge of (a) stenography, 
(b) typewriting, (c) grammar, spelling, punctuation, etc. 

2. Material employed. 

Ten tests which measure the speed of mental functions or 
processes were used in the experiment. Nine of these tests 
were taken from the group of tests standardized for the 
American Psychological Association by Woodworth and 
Wells. The tenth test was one of the Trabue language tests. 
Five of these tests were those commonly called the logical 
relations tests, opposites, verb-object, agent-action, action- 
agent and mixed relations. Under the head of "the under- 
standing of directions " the hard directions test was used. 
From the cancellation tests the number checking test was 
selected, a group being checked whenever it contained the two 
numbers 8 and 9 in any combination. Under the formation of 
new associations the form substitution test was used. The 
color naming test was also used. 

3. Conduct of the experiment. 

(a) Individuals serving as subjects. 

Eighty-seven young men and women who were students of 
either or both typewriting and stenography in the Extension 
Department of Columbia University served as subjects. These 


people were divided among five different sections — four 
evening classes and one day class. In all of the evening 
classes it was impossible to obtain any adequate knowledge of 
the subjects' abilities, for they either dropped out in a short 
time or failed to take the prescribed tests and examinations. 

The results worked up in this experiment are based upon 
the day group of forty-five subjects — forty-three women and 
two men. These people made a rather intensive study of both 
typewriting and stenography devoting two hours, in class, to 
each subject for five days a week. Some outside study was 
also done. 

In the group there was represented a very high type of 
native ability for the stenographic profession as will be seen 
by the following table: 


.02 had a common grammar school education. 
.02 attended high school for one year. 
.51 had a full high school education. 
.11 attended college for one year. 
.09 attended college for two years. 
.22 were college graduates. 


.46 were from 16 to 19 years old, inclusive. 
.29 were from 20 to 24 years old, inclusive. 
.06 were from 25 to 29 years old, inclusive. 
.11 were from 30 to 34 years old, inclusive. 
.Q4 were from 35 to 38 years old inclusive. 

(b) General procedure. 

The Trabue, number checking and form substitution tests 
were given by the group method. The remainder of the tests 
were given individually. The method of conducting the ex- 
periment was very simple. The subject was seated comfort- 
ably at a table, on which the test blanks were shown, one at a 
time, after it had been ascertained that the subjects imder- 
stood the instructions. In the Trabue, number checking, 
form substitution, and hard directions tests the replies were 
filled in with pencil. In the remainder of the tests the 
replies were spoken. In the tests where the replies were 
read aloud the experimenter, who sat next to the subject, had 
a sample of each test and if an inaccurate reply was made 
the subject was required to correct it before proceeding to 
the next word. All the tests were made between the hours 
of 12:30 and 3 p. m., in the month of November, 1915. 


(c) Instructions to the subject 

In the instructions to the subject an attempt was made to 
combine the proper comprehension of the experiment by the 
subject with an ideal uniformity of instruction. In tiie indi- 
vidual tests instruction was given by description, illustration 
and execution. The subject was first clearly told the meaning 
of the test; then the operator performed a small sample of 
it, and finally the subject himself performed a small sample 
of the work. These samples were typewritten and the same 
trial sheet was used with all the subjects. From four to six 
illustrations of each test were used. In the class tests tiie 
subjects were simply told what they were to do and the 
operator performed a sample of the work on the blackboard. 

An attempt was made to impress upon the subjects the fact 
that speed was the main object of the tests. They were told 
that their mental reactions were being timed and that their 
individual results were going to be compared with the rest of 
the class. They were requested to go as fast as possible but 
were warned that they would have to correct their mistakes. 
It seemed that the great majority of the subjects tried to 
make all the speed possible. 

(d) Records. 

In the individual tests the time was taken by a split second 
watch reading to fifths of a second, the watdi being started 
when the subject's eyes met the first work on the paper, which 
was uncovered by the experimenter. 

Qass tests. In the number checking and form substitution 
tests instructions were given out, before the test was begun, 
that as soon as anyone finished she was to raise her hand. 
When the first hand was raised the experimenter called upon 
the class to stop (having instructed them before that he would 
do this). Thus tiie time for all was the same and the e3q>eri- 
ments were worked up for the amount done. In the Trabue 
test the subjects were given ten minutes to finish and those 
who finished before this time had a note made on their paper 
of the time. 

4. Method of working up the results. 

(a) Treatment of errors. 

Errors in the hard directions, form substitution, and num- 
ber checking tests have been disregarded. The basis of getting 
measures was simply the time in the hard directions test and 
the amount done in the form substitution and number checking 
tests. In the Trabue test, as given, there are three inconstant 
factors, namely, the amount done, time, and errors. No 
attempt has yet been made to score and correlate this test. 


(b) Methods of combining the individual measures. 

When several tests have been made of an individual's abili- 
ties it is often desirable to show the success of each individual 
in the series of tests taken as a whole. A good way of doinjg 
this is the order of merit method. The measures of an indi- 
vidual are arranged so that we can state that an individual 
stood 13th in one test, 23rd in another test, 18th in still 
another test and that his average rank was 18th. 

Although this is a rather rough method, it has worked out 
well with some sorts of materisd. But to transmute absolute 
quantitative measures into an order of merit is to throw away 
a great deal of information contained in the measiu-es. There 
is another method which preserves all the refinement of the 
original measures which has been proposed by Woodworth. 
The average of the group in each test was counted as zero, 
and the individual's standing was expressed by a deviation 
above or below this average; the measure of variability (mean 
square deviation) was taken as the unit deviation, all devia- 
tions being expressed in multiples of this unit. What this 
method does is to assign each individual's position in the 
distribution of the group. This method was used in getting 
reduced measures in the tests which were to be correlated with 
ability in typewriting. 

(c) Methods of correlation. 

The order of merit method was used in correlating the tests 
with ability in stenography and granunar. The rank diflFer- 

ences formula was used, ^=1 ^, ^ -jt 

The formula used for correlating the tests with ability in 
typewriting was a derivation of the Pearson formula, 

r==2Av.f ^i- l—l, a and b being the reduced measures 

in the test and typewriting. 

In getting the team correlations in typewriting the combined 
reduced measures were corrected by dividing through by the 
square root of the average of the squares of the reduced 

(d) Methods of obtaining measures of stenographic ability. 

In stenography the instructor's mid-year grades were trans- 
formed by him from the vague statements of A. B. C. D. F. 
into a strict order of merit series from one to forty-five. 

In grammar the subjects were examined in spelling, gram- 
mar, punctuation, letter writing, paragraphing, etc. Their 
grades, which were returned in per cents, were readily trans- 
formed into an order of merit series. 


In tjrpewriting more objective and reliable grades were 
obtainable since the young women were given a tjrpewriting 
exercise each month. The subjects wrote on the typewriter 
for ten minutes from dictation. The total number of words 
written was added up, five v^rords were deducted for each 
error; this sum was then divided by ten and the result 
expressed the net number of words written per minute. These 
objective grades are free from the error of an instructor's 
judgment. Correlations were made every month between the 
mental test given in November and the monthly grade in 

5. Results. 

A. Correlations. 

I § ? f i *^ I s 1 § 
I ^ i I s 1 ^ I g I 

p.3 MO 00*5^ Op 

Stenography 45 .36 .19 .23 .34 .31 .46 .07 .40 45 

Grammar 40 .37 .37 .35 .38 .43 .54 .22 .16 45 


October 17 .41 .29 .42 .30 -.09 .11 .45 .21 42 

November 11 .43 .19 .43 .43 .21 .14 .47 .27 40 

December 07 .46 .40 .29 .45 .17 .19 .37 .11 40 

February 15 .55 .31 .41 .41 .25 .13 .53 .37 40 

March 19 .21 -.02 .00 .29 .04 .34 -.01 .30 29 

April 54 .57 .28 .40 .61 .00 .32 .30 .42 27 

Average.... 20.5 43.8 24.8 32.0 41.0 13.0 21.0 35.0 28.0 36.0 

B. Team correlations. 


1. Oppodtes, verb-object, color, mixed relations, direc- 

tions, form 40 

2. Opposites, verb-object, agent-action, action-agent, color, 

mixed relations, directions, number, form 48 

3. Opposites, directions 51 

4. Opposites, verb-object, color, mixed relations, directions .53 

5. Opposites, verb-object, directions, form 61 

6. Opposites, directions, form 63 


1. All tests 53 

2. Opposites, verb-object, agait-action, action-agent, color, 

mixed relations, directions .57 

3. Opposites, mixed relations, directions 56 



1. Verb-object, actipn-agent, number 56 

2. Verb-object, agent-action, action-agent, color, number. . .56 

3. Verb-oJb]ect, action-agent, color, number 58 

4. Verb-object, agent-action, action-agent, color, number, 

form ^ 62 

5. Verb-object, ccfcr, number 63 

(c) Discussion of correlations. 

In considering the first four months' correlations in type- 
writing one is met by the very striking fact of the uniformity 
of the results for all the months in any one test. If a test is 
high one month it can be predicted that it will be high another 
month; if the test is low one month it can be predicted that 
it will be low another month. In other words we can give 
the subject a t)rpe writing test at any time and the correlation 
will always be practically uniform. 

The March correlations show no corespondence with the 
correlations of the other months. The March typewriting test 
was an especially difficult one. This means that it called for 
reactions which the subjects had not been in the habit of 
making — it called for the functioning of processes which did 
not exist or which were not well developed. Thus, since the 
exercise was exceptional, it might be expected that the results 
and therefore the correlations would be exceptional and the 
uniformity of correlation would be absent. It must also be 
taken into consideration that there were only twenty-nine 
subjects instead of forty as usual. 

The April correlations show a good degree of correspond- 
ence with the first four months, except for the opposites and 
number checking tests. But here again it will be noted that 
only twenty-seven subjects took the exercise. The reduction 
in the number of people taking the tests does not show a 
process of an elimination of the unfit, for some of the best 
pupils were in some of the university offices doing work in 

It is interesting to note that none of the tests, which when 
combined into teams give the best correlations with stenography 
and grammar are used for giving the best team correlation 
with typewriting. 

It is also an interesting fact that the two tests which are 
distinctly not language tests — ^number checking and form 
substitution — do not correlate well (except in one instance) 
with stenography and grammar, but that one correlates very 
well and the other fairly well with typewriting. 

(d) -Correlation and practice. 


The following table will show that practice tends to increase 
the correlations, as has been pointed out by HoUingworth. 
Only the first four months' correlations are used on account 
of the distracting factors operating in the fifth and sixth 
months. Table 1 gives the average correlations of the tests 
which have a high positive correlation with typewriting. Table 
2 gives the correlations of all the tests: 

1 2 

Tests Teste 

Color All 

Average Average 

October 387 .253 

November 443 .293 

December 427 .266 

February 493 .345 

6. General Summary. 

It is evident from the foregoing data that this method of 
" empirical vocational tests " gives a far more reliable criterion 
for vocational guidance in the field of stenography than has 
ever been attained by any other method. 

From the results obtained in this experiment on forty-five 
subjects it does not appear to be too optimistic to the writer to 
say that under more favorable conditions a series of tests 
could be found which would give a much higher correlation 
than we have found here and which would yield a better 
criterion for a system of vocational guidance and selection in 
the stenographic profession. If a much larger group of sub- 
jects were worked with the correlations would probably be 
raised and would then be more reliable. If more tests were 
given there would undoubtedly be more tests found to have a 
high positive correlation with the work, and the correlations 
would be raised whep they were teamed. Furthermore, the 
conditions of conducting die experiment could be improved. 
In short there were many factors which tended to lower the 
correlations which could be, iii part, eliminated. 

From the foregoing facts it is evident that these miscel- 
laneous tests are of practical significance. It is also evident 
that the method of " empirical vocational tests " does actually 
work out in practice. 


By L. R. Geissler 

I. Introduction 

The scientific study of the psychological aspects of marketing began 
with the investigation of the mental factors involved in the commercial 
efforts of appeal through advertising. The center of the problem was 
^e mind of the prospective customer, and the question to which 
psychology first applied itself was: how may a person be persuaded 
most effectivelv through advertising to purchase a certain commercial 
brand of article? The immediate success of the early work was the 
more striking because it introduced scientific principles where before 
only haphazard and unsystematic efforts based on costly experiences 
had prevailed. It was not difficult to point out the various psychological 
principles that were violated even by the best advertisements of that 
time and to convince the most progressive business-men that adherence 
to these principles would result in financial gains. 

Nevertheless the deeper problems which require a closer scrutiny 
and finer analysis of the mind of prospective customers have hardly 
been touched, and yet the interest in this phase of applied psychology 
seems to have very much subsided and given way to the problems of 
salesmanship. The main question now under investigation is: How 
may a person most effectively persuade others to buy a certain brand 
of article? This shift of emphasis from customer to sales-clerk in the 
psychology of marketing is significant in several respects. In the 
first place, it does not promise such spectacular results by simple 
methods as the early work did, but requires instead much patient, 
persistent and well planned work. In the second place, it will thereby 
teach a most wholesome and much needed lesson of being contented 
with slow and small progress instead of looking for immediate and 
large returns. And finally, it will lead to the establishment of much 
more refined and subtle methods of research in the various fields of 
business psychology. Thus it may ultimately lead to a revision of the 
early pioneer work in the psychology of advertising, especially if the 
latter has not in the meantime regained some of its original interest 
and impetus. In particular it will become necessary to realize that a 
study of the mind of prospective customers must be approached from 
a broader standpoint than that of tfie advertisement only. The adver- 
tisement is only one, and perhaps a comparativelv insignificant item 
in the mental life of the layman whose needs and desires are deter- 
mined by complex situations to which he has to adjust himself, and not 
simply by a series of advertisements to which some business concern 

1 The writer is indebted for co-operation in ^thering data to Pro- 
fessors R. S. Woodworth of Columbia University, Max Meyer of the 
University of Missouri, Herbert Woodrow of the University of Min- 
nesota, C S. Yoakum of tfie University of Texas, and L. L. Thurston 
of Qime^e Institute of Technology, Pittsburgh; and to his wife for 
mudi patient' and conscientious aid in classifying and computing the 
statistical material. 


wants him to react favorably. There seems to be a tendency to over- 
look the other factors which influence a person to purchase articles of 
certain brands; and therefore it seems appropriate to determine how 
strong an influence the advertisements exert in a person's daily life, 
as compared with other factors, and to attempt to list some of the 
more important of these influences. 

The present study was thus undertaken to gain, at least in a prelim- 
inary way, such a more general insight into the mind of a person who 
may be contemplating the purchase of a given article. In particular, 
we attempted to determine which brands of certain articles are thought 
of first, most frequently, and why? For this purpose the following 
experiment was devised. We prepared a list of the names of twenty 
articles which men are apt to buy for themselves in the retail trade, 
as follows: baseball, camera, candy, clothes, collar, soft drinks foun- 
tain-pen, garter, hat, popular magazine, notepaper, penknife, shaving 
tool, shirt, shoes, soap, summer-underwear, tobacco, tooth-paste, and 
watch. This list was submitted to groups of men who had been pro- 
vided with prepared blanks of paper on which appeared a narrow 
vertical column, headed "Brand" and a wide one, headed "Reason." 
The experimenter read to each group the following set of instructions : 

"After a warning signal I shall pronounce the name of an article 
which men are apt to buy for themselves in the retail trade, such as: 
handkerchief, ink, scarf-pin, etc. Let the word call up in vour mind 
a particular commercial brand or trade-name of the object; for 
example : " ink " may call up " Carter's," or the like. Write immediately 
the first name which thus occurs to you in the column headed "Brand." 
In the remaining space of that same line (headed " Reason ") indicate 
as far as ^ou can and in as few words as possible what you believe to 
be the main reason why the particular brand occurred or came first to 
your mind. If there are several such reasons, write them in the order 
in which you think of them, but da not use more than one line for 
each article and its reason. If, however, no brand occurs to you 
within the time allowed, or if no good reason can be found for a cer- 
tain brand, make a dash in the proper place and wait for the next 
word. There will be twenty articles; one minute is allowed for each. 

Let me now give a concrete illustration. of the whole procedure: 
I may say, for example, "Number seven — ready — rain-coat," and 
some one may write, for example, "Goodyear — I possess one," or 
another reason "saw a street-car poster of it," or the like. Keep in 
mind that " brands " or " trade-names " are not the same thing as names 
of local stores or of retail dealers." 

After assuring himself that all subjects had correctly understood 
these instructions, the experimenter proceeded with the words of the 
list. This experiment was carried on in the following states : Georgia, 
Illinois, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, New York, Pennsylvania, 
and Texas. While the number of young college men tested in each 
state varied greatly, we obtained results from 300 subjects giving a 
total of 6,000 data, and on the whole these data are very uniform. The 
slight differences due to peculiarities of localities will be pointed out 
later, after we have discussed our results from the points of view of 
the brands, of the reasons for their occurrence, and of the classes of 

II. General Psychological Factors 

In considering our data with reference to the commercial brands 
mentioned, we must remember that our subjects were instructed to 


write down the first brand which occurred to them after hearing the 
name of a given article, ff there are no special factors entering into 
the situation which favor for the time being the recall of one particular 
biiand, we are justified in assuming that those brands will first occur 
to mind which in the past experiences of the individual have formed 
the strongest associations with the respective articles. This assumption 
is borne out by a repetition of the experiment after several months' 
interval with four of our subjects. They thought of the same brands 
which they had previously mentioned with the following six articles: 
baseball, camera, collar, drink, garter, and hat. The brands of maga- 
zine, notepaper, shoes, and soap had been changed by two subjects 
each, while the brands of the remaining ten objects had been changed 
by only one subject each. In other words, of the eighty possible 
changes in brand only eighteen had occurred, while in the other sixty- 
two cases (77.5 per cent.) the ^same brands were mentioned in both 
tests. This number therefore indicates the strength and permanence 
of the associative bonds between certain articles and their respective 
commercial brands. 

The question why in any given individual the idea of a certain article 
has formed a stronger bond with the idea of one commercial brand 
rather than with that of another, is entirely a matter of a person's 
past experiences. The factors which determine the formation of such 
bonds are included in the psychological laws of the association of 
ideas, — similarity, contrast, contiguity in space, temporal simultand^ 
and succession, frequency, recency, primacy and vividness of experi- 
ence, and emotional congruity. For the sake of clearness of exposition 
we may call the strongest association between the idea of a given 
article and that of a certain brand the bond of greatest familiarity. 
Perhaps the highest degree of familiarity is represented by such asso- 
ciations as: Romeo and Juliet, or 14^2 and Columbus' discovery of 
Ameica, or pro and con, or Ro3ral Bakmg Powder, and the like. 

In many cases an individual may be able to tell from his past experi- 
ences that a certain commercial product has become the most familiar 
brand to him; and he may also be able to assign a reason. If, then, 
under the condition of our experiment, the most familiar brand actu- 
ally occurs first in his mind, he may give as the reason for its occur- 
rence that particular fact of his past experiences which helped to 
make this brand his most familiar one. On the other hand, the asso- 
ciative bond may be of such an age and degree of automatization that 
the person is absolutely unable to give any reason whatsoever for 
thinking first of the familiar brand, beyond the mere statement that 
it came to his mind first of all or that it was the most natural idea for 
him to think of. We have found a few such cases reported by our 

It may sometimes happen that the idea of the most familiar brand 
is not the first one to occur, because there may be certain factors in 
the general situation which temporarily strengthen a weaker bond 
formed between a certain article and one of its less familiar brands. 
Here again a person is in most cases able to tell which particular 
factor induced the recall of the less familiar brand and mention this 
factor as the reason why he thought of the brand first. Actual exam- 
ples of such cases are indicated by reasons like the following : " I 
saw this brand last evening, but never used it," or " Heard a joke about 
it (brand A), use (brand B)." In the first example the factor of 
recency, in the second, the factor of vividfiess was responsible for the 
first occurrence of the idea of a seemingly less familiar brand. 

There are, of course, cases where the recall of the most familiar 



brand is further strengthened by some favorable factor in die general 
situation, so that this factor may be mentioned as the main reason 
for the occurrence of die brand, while as a matter of fact it mav be 
only a secondary or contributary reason. It is therefore impossible to 
discover how many of the reasons given indicate greatest familiarity 
and which or how many imply that a less familiar brand has been tem- 

e^rarily so strengthened as to occur first in die mind of the subject 
owever, it was not our purpose to study the familiarity of different 
brands; such a problem could have b^ investigated much more 
direcdy by asldng the subjects to state the brands with which they 
are most familiar. 

III. Commercial Brands 

The results of our investigation with regard to die first occurrence 
of commercial brands according to our instructions are summarized 
in Table I. 


Absolute Frequencies op Various Kinds c^ Brane>s op Articlbs 

1 2 - 







No. of 



Mostand Miscd. 





2nd freq. 









2 Garter 







3 Underwear.... 







4 Camera 







5 Fountain-pen . 






6 Watch 






7 Baseball 







8 Toothpaste. . . 







9 Averages 







10 Collar 







11 Shaving tool.. 

12 SoftdSnk. ... 













13 Tobacco 







14 Soap 

15 Penknife 






, , 







16 Hat 







17 Averages. 







18 Magazine 







19 Shirt 







20 Candy 







21 Clodies 







22 Shoes 







23 Notepape . . . . 







24 Averages 







25 Grand total... 







26 Grand average 




1 171.4 



27 Ratios 

7 : 

2 : 

9 : 

6 : 



A glance at column 3 of this Table will show that our 500 subjects 
were familiar with 812 different brands of 20 articles or about 40.5 
brands per article. Furthermore, column 8 shows that there was not 
a single person among these 300 men who could not mention immed- 
iately some commercial brand of fountain'4>en, soap, and watch. Only 
in 372 of the 6,000 possible cases, or in 6.2 per cent, did any brand 
fail to occur within die time allowed. This ntmiber ought to be 
slightly increased, perhaps to 7 per cent, because there were a few 
times when it was impossible to tell whether the names mentioned 
as brands were or were not names of local dealers. All other cases 
in which the name of a local dealer or a special variety of an article 
(for example, straw-hat) was wrongly mentioned are included in the 
last column, headed "no brands named." 

According to the frequencies of various brands our twenty articles 
fall into three groups, as is indicated in Table I. Beginning with the 
article of which the fewest number of different brands were mentioned, 
namely garter, of which 12 brands or trade-names were quoted by 
our subjects, and proceeding to the article with the lar^st number 
of different brands, we find in the first group the followmg articles: 
garter, summer-underwear, camera, fountain-pen, watch, baseball, and 
toothpaste. This group results in an average of 19 brands per article. 
To the second group belong: collar, shaving tool, drink, tobacco, soap, 
penknife, and hat, with an average of 40 brands per article. The 
last group includes: magazine, shirt, candy, clothes, shoes, and note- 
paper — an average of Sj brands per article. 

These three groups show great similarity in other respects. For 
example, with regard to the inability of naming any brands, the first 
group has also the lowest average of such cases, namely 8 per article; 
the next group has an intermediate number of 14 ; and the last group 
has the highest average, namely 47 per article. In odier words, the 
fewer the number of orands mentioned, the smaller is the likelihood 
of the inabliity to mention any, and conversely. Logically one might 
have expected the opposite result, namely, the more brands of an article 
are known to exist the less likely would be the inability to mention any 
one brand. The actual fact as revealed by our Table may probably be 
explained from the principle that the fewer brands of an article are 
known the more is everybody apt to be familiar with some one of the 
few, and conversely. 

This explanation is strongly favored by the results of columns 4 to 
7. From column 7 we find that the fewer brands of a given article are 
known the smaller is the number of people who mention the less 
widely known brands, and conversely. In the case of the articles of 
the first group, there were on an average only 65 of our 300 subjects, 
that is 22 per cent, who mentioned what we have called miscellaneous 
brands, that is, brands which in fr^uency rank from third to last 
place. Similarly for the second group; here we have 99 subjects or 
33 per cent, who mention miscellaneous brands; while for the third 
group there were 175 subjects or 58 per cent, who think of some mis- 
cellaneous brand first 

Another confirmation of our principle of explanation is found in 
column 4. According to it, the fewer brands of an article are known 
the greater is the frequency of the most widely known single brand. 
Thus the average number of subjects who mention the most widely 
known single brands in group i is 170 or 57 per cent ; the corresponding 
average for the second group is 160 subjects or 53 per cent, and the 
average of the third group is 58 subjects or 19 per cent Here the 
difference between the first and second group is very small, but that 


between the second and third group is very large. Consequently the 
opposite relation must be expected to hold with the second most widely 
known or second most frequently mentioned brand, as is shown in 
column 5. Combining now the results with the most frequent and 
the second most frequent brands, as is done in column 6, and com- 
paring these two most frequent or most widely known brands with 
all the other miscellaneous brands, we have a further verification of 
the explanatory principle stated before, namely, the fewer brands of 
a given article are known, the more widely will one or two brands of 
that article be known. This fact is probably the psychological reflec- 
tion of the economic effects of monopoly; however, we are not con- 
cerned in this place with economic explanations. 

Before advancing to the next general phase of our results, it is inter- 
esting to note briefly the ^rand totals of Table I. As has been pointed 
out already, our 300 subjects could name 812 different brands of 20 
articles, or on an average about 41 brands per article. Furthermore, for 
every person who could not mention any brand of a particular article 
there were six persons who knew a variety of* miscellaneous brands 
and seven persons who mentioned the same brand as the most fre- 
quent In other words, our 300 subjects whose homes were located 
in eight widely separated geographical regions of the country show 
a " community of ideas ** with regard to commercial brands of articles 
in everyday use which amounts to 43 per cent for the most widely 
known varieties, and to 13 per cent, for the second most widely 
known varieties of brands. Such a result is probably due solely to 
the nation-wide advertising campaigns conducted by many of our 
large manufacturing and business concerns. We have in our results 
therefore a very tangible measure of such intangible influences as are 
represented by the various kinds of advertising methods. 

IV. Reasons 

We may now examine our results from the standpoint of the reasons 
stated by our subjects for the flrst occurrence of a particular brand. 
Again using frequency as the basis for a classification of these reasons, 
we find a most frequent reason, a second most frequent reason, 38 
miscellaneous reasons of varying frequency, and a small number of 
cases in which no reasons could be given. 

A list of the 38 miscellaneous reasons together with their respective 
frequencies and also the number of articles with which these reasons 
recur is appended. The phrasing of the reasons is in most cases 
somewhat condensed from their original form, and reasons of very 
great similarity are combined. For example, the first reason listed 
contains such varieties as : "I like it because it wears well," or " Like 
its taste," or "I admire their style," and the like. The second reason 
listed includes such statements as ** My father uses it," or " Room-mate 
has one," or " We have it at home," and the like. In the third reason 
we have combined such statements as " I sold it last summer " with 
such reasons as ** 1 worked for a firm which handled that product." 
There is of course some element of arbitrariness involved in this 
method of combining; and a glance over the whole list will reveal 
several other possibilities of making combinations that have not been 
used. For example, the ninth reason "Best on the market," the tenth, 
" Best known," and perhaps the fifteenth, " Great popularity " might 
have been combined under the general heading "Reputation." There 
is, however, little advantage to be gained from these combinations. 
Their great disadvantage lies in the fact that the list would become 
too abstract because the phrasing of the reasons would be loo different 


List op 38 Miscellaneous Reasons 


1. A brand is liked because of its spedal characteristics 163 

2. Friend uses brand, used at home, etc 95 

3. I sold this brand {worked for firm) 84 

4. Saw it displayed in store or window 69 

5. This bfana has widest use 67 

6. I prefer this brand (it is my favorite} 60 

7. Am acquainted with person selling this brand 56 

8. Heard of it (saw it, etc.) recently 52 

9. " Best on the market " 50 

10. " Best known " (has best reputation) 43 

11. Factory near my home town (made near home) 41 

12. This brand is frequently seen 37 

13. Used-by railroads, leagues, schools 35 

14. First brand I knew or learned about 34 

15. Great popularity, everybody likes it 26 

16. I hear most about this brand 26 

17. ** Standard " (considered the standard brand) 24 

18. I dislike the brand, hate it, " never again " 21 

19. I had some accident with this brand 20 

20. " Only brand known to me " 18 

21. Peculiar name, odd, euphonious name 16 

22. I made some gsecial use of brand 16 

23. I pass place where it is made or sold 16 

24. Recommendation 15 

25. Special memories and associations (boyhood) 14 

26. Jokes and puns about the brand 13 

27. Firm has big reputation 12 

28. Price, its cheapness, most exi^ensive 11 

29. Its name same as that of subject 8 

30. Hi^orical associations with brand 8 

31. Criticisms made or heard of brand 6 

32. I received one of this brand as present 5 

33. Associated with familiar personage 5 

34. " Good tradesmark " 5 

35. I see one of this brand before me now 5 

36. I have always desired one of this brand 4 

37. It is made by the largest manufacturer 3 

38. Novel brand, latest out, etc 3 

Total 1186 



















































































from those actually stated by our subjects. Furthermore, several sig- 
nificant, though perhaps small, shades in meaning would be eliminated 
by a further condensation of individual items. 

We may, however, classify the 38 miscellaneous reasons into the 
following groups: 

A. Reasons involving personal estimates of brands, 

Nos. 1, 5, 6, 18 and 28 Total. 322 cases 


B. Reasons revealing some personal emotional touch, 

Nos. 2, 7, 19, 20, 22, 25, 26. 29, 30, 31, 32, 33. 
35 and 36 Total, 273 

C. Reasons referring to miscellaneous personal experiences, 

Nos. 3. 8, 12, 14, 16, 21 and 38 Total. 252 cases 

D. Reasons containing impersonal estimates of brands, 

Nos. 9, 10, 13, 15, 17, 24, 27, 34 and 37 Total, 213 cases 

E. Reasons referring to special localities, 

Nos. 4, 11 and 23 Total, 126 cases 

The titles of these groups indicate the underlying criteria for classi- 
fication which are based on a detailed examination and psychological 
interpretation of the phrases actually employed by our subjects. The 
list of the reasons given on another page makes reference to this classi- 
fication in the last column by the letters A, B. C, D, and E. The first 
three groups refer to our subjects' personal experiences with the com- 
mercial brands and total 847 cases or two and one-half times as many 
as ^oups D and £, which total only 339 cases and contain reasons of 
an impersonal nature. These proportions between personal and imper- 
sonal references to the brands are somewhat changed if we add to 
the first three groups the most frequent reason of all, namely that of 
personal use or ownership, and to the last two groups the second 
most frequent reason, that of advertising. Under these conditions the 
reasons of a personal nature occur only twice as often — namely in 
3,683 cases — as the impersonal reasons, which occur in 1^53 cases. 

The relation of the frequenor of miscellaneous reasons to the dif- 
ferent articles is indicated in Table II, column 7. The greatest num- 
ber of miscellaneous reasons occur with magazine and baseball, namely 
121 and 120 respectively, thus giving these two articles first and second 
rank respectively, as is shown in column 8. The decrease in number 
of miscellaneous reasons for the various articles is very gradual; the 
smallest number and therefore the lowest rank is reached by g^arter 
with a frequency of 22. The average number of miscellaneous reasons 
for all articles is about 59. Miscellaneous reasons are given in a total 
of 1,186 cases which constitute 19.77 per cent, of all 6,000 cases or 
2142 per cent, of all the reasons mentioned in this study. 

The inability to assign any reasons for the first occurrence of ideas 
of commercial brands is indicated in columns 9, 10, and 11. To the 
mere inability, as shown in column 10, there must be added the cases 
where no brands could be mentioned, as is shown in column 9; column 
II gives the rank as based on column 10. With two articles, namely 
watch and soap, we find no inability to state reasons, while with 
baseball this inability is greatest, occurring 14 times.* On an average 
we find 4f4 cases per article in which no reasons can be assigned, or 
a total of 95 cases out of 5,628 possible cases, that is less than 2 per 
cent. This low number shows that the task of telling why the idea 
of one kind of brand occurs in mind before the idea of some other 
brand is easily performed even by subjects untrained in psychological 

In column 12 are shown the total number of different reasons men- 

* In the case of clothes there arc more reasons than brands men- 
tioned, which is due to the fact that here more than with any other 
article names of local dealers were mentioned as brands and had to be 
classified under "no brands." 







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tioned with each article. They vary from 12 to 22 and average about 
17 per article. 

The most frequent reason, aside from the ^oup of miscellaneous 
reasons, for thinking of a certain brand of a given article is indicated 
in Table II, colu^xm 3, by the word "Use." This term means in all 
cases personal use or ownership by the subject, either in the past or 
in the present, or even intentional future use. Such statements of 
reasons as the following are typical: "I used to wear this brand,** 
or " I bought one of this kind," or "Am using it everyday," or " I own 
one," or "Shall buy it this afternoon." This kind of reason is the 
most frequent one mentioned with 16 articles, but is only the second 
most frequent reason with candy, drink, penknife, and tobacco. The 
articles as listed in the Table are given in the order from greatest fre- 
quency of the reason " use," namely 207 with fountain-pen, to smallest 
frequency, namely 76 with tobacco and candy. The average frequency 
of wis reason is about 142 per article, and it occurs in a total number 
of 2^36 cases. This number constitutes 47.26 per cent of all 6,000 
cases, or 504 per cent, of all 5,628 cases in which a brand was men- 
tioned, or finally 51.23 per cent of all 5,536 cases in which a reason 
•was mentioned. 

We must also consider that several of the miscellaneous reasons 
involve this factor of personal use or ownership. For example, almost 
the whole group A (with tne exception ot the fifth reason, "widest 
use") as well as reasons 19, 22, and 32 of group B imply this factor. 
This would add a total of 296 cases to the 2,836 original cases. We 
have in these 296 cases the best illustration of the fact indicated 
before that personal ownership or use is probably the underlying rea- 
son for the maximal familiarity with a certain brand which is either 
not recognized as such or has become so self-evident or automatized 
and so much taken for granted that it does not seem to the subjects to 
suffice as a reason for recalling the brand first They are therefore led 
to search their minds for some more particular reason. 

But even aside from these additional cases our results of column 3 
alone show that in one case out of two a person will think of a com- 
mercial brand of a given article because of his personal ownership or 
previous use of that same brand. 

The second most frequent reason with sixteen of our articles and 
at the same time the most frequent reason with the remaining four 
articles is briefly indicated by the word "advertisement," and its 
frequency with tfie different articles is shown in column 5 of Table 
II. In many cases this reason is given in such specialized forms as: 
"I saw it advertised in a streetcar," or "I remember the cover of a 
Saturday Evening Post," or "Large poster in lunch-room;" some- 
times it is stated more briefly in such phrases as " Widely advertised " 
or the like ; and finally familiar phrases or slogans from certain adver- 
tisements are quoted. This reason is most fre<iuently mentioned with 
tobacco, 137, and least frequently with magazine, namely by 16 sub- 
jects. The total frequency is 1,546 cases, which constitutes 25.23 per 
cent of all 6,000 cases, or 26.9 per cent of all cases in which a brand 
is mentioned, or 27.35 per cent of all the reasons stated. The average 
frequency per article is 76 or slightly more than half the frequency 
of the first reason (use). In other words, in only one case out of 
four does a person think of a commercial brand of a given article 
because he has been impressed by the advertisements of this brand. 
The ranks which the different articles attain on the basis of this rea- 
son are given in column 6. It is to be expected that an article which 
occupies a high rank on the basis of the most frequent reason will 


occupy a considerably lower rank on the basis of the second most 
frequent reason, and conversely. Exceptions to this relation may be 
explained by reference to the frequency of miscellaneous and no rea- 
sons. Thus with shirt there occur 50 cases of no brands, while with 
baseball there occur 120 cases of miscellaneous reasons. 

The fact that three of the four articles with which advertisement 
is stated as the most frequent reason and use as the second most 
frequent reason involve personal consumption (namely soft drink, 
candy, and tobacco) make it seem plausible to assume either that 
among our 300 subjects this personal consumption was actually very 
infrequent (about one person in four), or else that many persons j 

hesitated to admit that such personal use was the main reason for 
thinking of the brands. The fact that such use is regarded as unde- 
sirable by many people is possibly responsible for the infrequency of 
this reason. 

We have thus found that personal use or ownership is by far the 
strongest reason for thinking of a certain commercial brand first 
The obvious question which now arises is: what are the reasons for 
originating this personal use? Does our investigation throw any 
light upon this problem? I believe it does, and in a twofold way. 

In the first place, the following considerations, which are suggested 
by our investigation and its results, must be taken into account. There 
are doubtless many cases in which the original use of a given brand of 
article is due to the fact that it has been used in the home of the 
parents of a person for some time before he had any opportunity to 
buy the article for himself. This is very likely the case with articles 
like soap and toothpaste. On the other hand, with such articles as 
collar, garter, shaving tool, underwear, shoes, clothes, shirt, hat, and 
penknife, our subjects might have acquired the original use from 
older male members of their families. To be sure, imitation of elders 
is a very strong factor in adolescent boys, especially before they have 
found themselves or have been away from home for any length of 
time. As soon, however, as this moment arrives, they are just as 
likely to do something entirely different from what was done at home 
as to continue to imitate, if for no other reason than to assert their 
own individuality. It is probably at such moments that they are most 
easily induced by one factor or another to try some new brand of a 
given article. Among these factors advertising as well as some of 
Qie miscellaneous reasons will exert a strong mfluence. Those mis- 
cellaneous reasons would of course be eliminated which involve pre- 
vious use of a brand, that is, the 296 cases mentioned before, or 5.3 
per cent of all the reasons given. 

We may now assume with a high degree of probability that adver- . O 7 

tising as well as the remaining miscellaneous reasons have been as; ^ ^ ' 

potent in originating personal use or ownership as they were in sug- . dfC/ 
gesdng the present brand. If this assumption is correct, then the 
relative strength of advertising as compared with the remaining mis- 
cellaneous reasons is as 27.35 is to 16.12 (i. e., 2142-5.3), or roughly 
5 13. That is to say, in all those cases in which the first cause for using 
a certain brand of article is not the fact that the same brand is used 
in the home of the person's parents or relatives, advertising has five 
chances out of eight for determining which brand a person may be^n 
to use of his own accord. Such factors as working for a firm which 
carries the brand, store and window display, extensive use of the 
brand by others, impersonal estimates of die value of the brand, 
acquaintance with persons selling it, frequent sight of it, its popularity, 
its peculiar name, recommendation by others, jokes about it, good 


tradenames, or the novelty of the brand — all these factors taken 
together have onl^ three chances out of eight for influencing a person 
to the extent of inducing him to use a brand for the first time. But 
this conclusion must remain hypothetical until our theoretical assump- 
tion is supported by experimental evidence. 

The second way in which our investigation may help to answer the 
question: what factors induce a person to use a certain commercial 
brand of article for the first time? is found in another set of data 
which we obtained from two groups of women subjects. We must 
however defer their discussion to some future occasion. 

V. Classification of Articles 

We will now continue to study our present data from a third point 
of view, by classifying our twenty articles into those of necessity or 
daily use, those of luxury or occasional use, and those of a mixed 
nature which nevertheless incline strongly toward the first group and 
may therefore be called quasi-necessities. This classification is carried 
out in Table III according to the same rubrics as Tables I and II, at 
least to the extent of showing the most significant similarities and dif- 
ferences between the three groups. We have also included the aver- 
ages of the combined data of the necessities and the quasi-necessities, in 
row 19. 

An inspection of Table III reveals the fact that on the average the 
necessities and even more so the quasi-necessities show a much greater 
absolute frequency of the most frequent brands than the luxuries. The 
average of the first group is 133, the second 152, (combined 140), and 
the last 116. A similar difference, although not so marked, occurs 
with the second most frequent brands, the corresponding averages 
being 46, 42 (or combined 44), and 34. On the otiier hand, there is no 
difference between the three groups with regard to the absolute fre- 
quencies of the miscellaneous brands. Again, the necessities and quasi- 
necessities show only small averages for the cases in which no brands 
could be named, 16 and 6 respectively (or 13 combined), while in the 
case of the luxuries the average rises to 27. In other words, there is 
much greater readiness to recall some commercial brand in the case 
of articles which are necessary and in daily use than in the case 01 
luxuries, and furthermore, there is much greater "community of 
ideas *' or likelihood for more people to think of the same commercial 
brands in the case of necessary articles than there is in the case of 
articles which are used only occasionally and are not necessities. If 
this relation, which we found to hold among 300 college men, could 
be shown to have a more general validity, it would indicate tiiat com- 
mercial brands in necessities or articles of daily use could gain a con- 
trol or even obtain a monopoly of the market through advertising more 
easily than could brands of luxuries or articles used only occasionally. 

With regard to the number of reasons named we find only a very 
slight difference in the case of Ae second most frequent reason, namely 
advertisements. Here the necessities have an average frequency of 89, 
the quasi-necessities 61 (or combined 73), and the luxuries 80. On the 
other hand, the reason of personal use or ownership has an average 
frequency of 160 for the necessities, 190 for the quasi-necessities, (or 
combined 170), and only 99.5 for the luxuries. Conversely, the number 
of miscellaneous reasons average 42 and 40 for the first two groups, . 
and 86 for the last. Similarly, the cases in which no reasons could be 
given for the occurrence of a given brand average twice as great a 


Frequencies op Brands and Reasc^os for Cussified Articles 

3 4 5 6 

No. of brands named 

7 8 9 10 
No. of reasons named 


or Most 2nd 

Daily Use £ceq. freq. Misc. None None Use Adv. 


3 Soap 121 39 140 

4 Toothpaste. . . 162 78 101 6 

5 Collar 224 19 51 6 

6 Shoes. 58 21 210 11 

7 Garter 192 85 12 11 

8 Hat 149 35 94 22 

9 Clothes 86 45 144 25 

10 aiirt 73 44 143 50 

11 Total 1066 366 995 131 

12 Average.... 133 46 124 16 
































29 1280 629 
4 160 89 



13 Fountain-pen .100 72 139 

14 Watch 97 60 143 

15 Underwear.... 248 18 30 4 

16 Shaving tool.. 162 17 101 20 











Luxuries or Occasional Use 

20 Tobacco 100 57 139 4 

21 Soft drink. ... 194 11 90 5 

22 Camera 157 52 82 9 

23 Magazine 72 39 178 11 

24 Baseball 179 53 42 26 

25 Candy 38 31 196 35 

26 Penknife 168 14 79 39 

27 Notepaper. . . . 21 13 178 88 

28 Total 929 270 984 217 

29 Average 116 34 123 27 


17 Total 607 167 413 24 

18 Average 1152 42 103 6 

13 760 
3 190 



Necessities and Quasi-Necessities Combiiied 
19 Average.... 140 40 117 13 

3.5 170 



































57 796 640 
7 99.5 80 



frequency for the last group, named seven, as for the first two groups. 
G>mparing now the relative frequencies of the three sets of reasons 
with each other, group by group, we find the following relations: In 
the first group, advertisements are more than twice as frequent as the 
miscellaneous reasons, but only a little more than half as strong as 
use. In the second group, use has become three times as strong as 
advertisements, and the latter is only one and one-half times as strong 
as the miscellaneous reasons. With the last group, finally, the three 
sets of reasons are very nearly equal in their frequencies and aver- 
ages, use leading with 99.5, then miscellaneous reasons with 86, and 
finally advertisements with 80 as average. This last figure is so low 
on account of the small influence which advertisements seem to exert 
in the case of magarine and notepaper. As a matter of fact, these 
two articles have only recently been subjected to extensive advertising 
campaigns, the results of which are not yet sufficiently felt to manifest 
themselves in experiments of our sort 

VI. Locality. 

The last viewpoint from which we wish to discuss our results in 
this paper is that of locality. In Table IV our data are classified 
according to the eight states in which the experiment was carried on. 
The total number of cases obtained in each state is given immediately 
below each state. All other numbers in the Table represent percen- 
tages. The percentages of the most frequent brand range from 36.0 
in Illinois to 54.5 in Pennsylvania, with an average for all states of 
46.0. The second most frequent brand obtains the lowest percentage 
in New York, namely ii.o, and the highest in Texas, namely 17.5. 
The miscellaneous brands are mentioned most frequently in Minnesota, 
with a percentage of 32.5, and least frequently in Texas, namely 19.0. 
The cases in which no brands were named occurred most often in 
Illinois, with ii.o per cent; and least often in Pennsylvania, where no 
such cases occurred. There are also cases where two or more brands 
are mentioned equally often either as first, or second, or miscellaneous 
brands; their percentages are given in the eighth horizontal row as 
duplicates. The averages for all eight states are given in the last 
vertical column. There is no state which approaches these averages 
very closely; perhaps the results from Georgia most nearly resemble 

In a similar way the percentages of tiie various kinds of reasons are 
listed in the rest of the Table. Here, however, we find that the indi- 
vidual states approach the general averages much more closely. The 
results from Minnesota are most those from New York are least, 
like the general averages. The results from New York fall farthest 
below the general average with regard to " use " and " advertisements ;" 
and conversely, they go highest above the general averages with " mis- 
cellaneous" and "no reasons." Pennsylvania, which had no cases of 
inability to mention commercial brands, has consequently also the 
lowest percentage for inability to give reasons. The explanation of 
this phenomenon may probably lie in the fact that the subjects who 
took this test were also students in a course in business psychology. 

Other geographical peculiarities, which are not revealed by Table 
IV, are such minor important facts as the following. The fact that 
a large concern which manufactures some article of our list is located 
near the place of experimentation in one state or another will natur- 
ally tend to give to this brand a strong priority over other brands. 
This factor has, however, never shown its influence to the extent of 
changing the results of the most frequent brand or reason in that 


9 10 11 


Pa. Tex. Total 


200 160 6000 


Percentages of Brands and Reasons, for Eight Localities 

12 3 4 5 6 7 

2 Localities... Ga. 111. Mass. Minn. Mo. 

3 No. of cases. 400 460 600 1920 2000 

Percentages of Brands Aver. 

4 Most. freq.. 50.0 36.0 41.0 41.2 52.0 43.5 54.5 50.0 46.0 

5 2nd freq.... 16.0 11.8 17.0 16.6 15.0 11.0 17.0 17.5 15.0 

6 Miscel 23.0 29.2 28.0 32.5 30.0 32.0 26.0 19.0 27.5 

7 None 5.0 11.0 8.5 7.3 3.0 9.0 .... 9.0 6.6 

8 DupUcates.. 6.0 2.0 5.5 2.4 .... 4.5 3.5 4.5 4.9 

Percentages of Reasons 

9 Use 46.0 40.2 40.0 44.0 57.0 36.3 41.0 42.5 43.4 

10 Advertising. 34.0 21.5 29.0 24.5 22.7 20.0 36.5 35.0 27.9 

11 Miscel 16.5 25.7 18.7 22.5 16.0 29.7 21.5 12.5 20.0 

12 None 3.5 12.6 12.3 9.0 4.3 14.0 1.0 10.0 8.4 

state. Another peculiarity is the naming of some brand after a locality 
situated near a place of experimenting. This factor has occurred in 
only one article and state; and there it has not influenced the results 
to any important extent. From a general comparison of the different 
states with each other the writer has gained the conviction that further 
data from college men of other states will not materially change his 
results. It may, however, be possible that with entirely different types 
of individuals, for example, widi older men or with less well-educated 
people, certain significant modifications of these results may be 
obtained. The discussion of the type of subjects and of their sex must 
be left to a future occasion. 

VII. Summary and Conclusions 

The results and conclusions of the present investigation may be 
summarized as follows : 

1. Our 300 subjects could name 812 different brands or trade-names 
of 20 familiar articles, or 41 brands per article. 

2. In about 7 per cent, of all 6,000 cases they failed to name any 

3. The absolute frequencies of different brands for the various 
articles differ widely, ranging from 12 to 93. 

4. The fewer brands of a given article are known, the more widely 
one or two brands of that article are known. 

5. The "community of ideas" with regard to commercial brands is 
43 per cent, for the most widely known brands and 13 per cent, for the 
second most widely known brands. This fact is perhaps the most 
tangible measure of the variable influences of advertising. 

6. In one case out of two a person will think of a commercial brand 
of a given article because of his personal ownership or previous use 
of that brand. 

7. Advertising is the second most frequent reason for recalling com- 
mercial brands of familiar articles, being about one half as effective 
as use. 

8. The 38 miscellaneous reasons for recalling brands of articles 
taken collectively are less effective than advertising alone. 


9. Reasons involving a personal element are twice as frequent as 
reasons of an impersonal nature. 

10. From 12 to 22 different reasons are given per article, with an - 
average of 17. 

11. On purely theoretical grounds, and aside from local influences, 
advertising seems to have five chances out of eight for determining 
which brand a person may begin to use of his own accord; similarly, 
all other miscellaneous reasons together have only three chances out 
of eight 

12. There is much greater "community of ideas" with regard to 
brands of articles of necessity and quasi-necessity than with articles of 
luxury and occasional use. 

13. Previous use is a much stronger reason for recalling brands of 
articles of necessity than for recalling brands of articles of luxury. 

14. There were no marked differences, either as to brands of articles 
or as to the reasons for recalling them, between the eight widely sep- 
arated geographical regions of wis country represented in this inves- 


Wblls, F. L., Mental Adjustments,. New York: D. Appleton and G>m- 
pany. 191 7. Pp. xiii4-33i* 

Dr. Wells' book is one of several recent attempts to apply the insight 
into the fundamental mechanisms of human behavior afforded by 
psychoanalysis to guiding normal individuals along the paths of 
mental efficiency and happiness. More particularly it is designed to 
give those responsible for the formation of character in others the 
knowledge of the forces to which personalities are subject which will 
permit the wisest guidance to mental adjustment and its conscious 
aspect, happiness. Starting with a dynamic conception of mind as a 
sum of fundamental trends or directions of expending vital energy, 
the author first offers a discussion of the causes of failures of adjust- 
ment In the animal series maladaptation most frequently comes about 
throtigh the appearance of exceptional situations for which the normal 
reactions are inappropriate. In human individuals the maladaptation 
is usually conditioned by the remoteness of the reaction from the end 
to which it is directed, or internally through the variety of trends 
which must be satisfied, with the possibility of conflict The most 
striking conflicts rise about the sexual trend owing to its less inunediate 
relation to the individual's survival, its great complexity and lability, 
and the resistances which have grown up around it; its internal con- 
flicts are on the whole greater tbAn the external difficulties which sur- 
round it One of the chief mechanisms of maladaptation is the shirk- 
ing of effort necessary to realize the fundamental trends whether by 
minimising the value of the thing desired, or imagining a realization. 
A further example of waste of mental energy is found in "autistic" • 
thinking, solutions and explanations by superficial associations which 
fail to meet the test of concrete reality ; this type of thinking is charac- 
teristic of maladaptation whether in primitive man, patiiological cases, 
or in the phantastic life of dreams. The conflict of trends often 
manifests itself in pathological dissociation from the main personality; 
a chapter is devoted to the discussion of typical examples chiefly from 
the writer's own observations. He brings out the complex and unstable 
structure of the mind, with the possibility of the dissociation of one 
trend from any of the others, and the importance of the unconscious. 

Mans special faiths, interests, hobbies, friendships, enmities, ambi- 
tions and mfatuations are fashioned not from the fraction of experi- 
ence he can remember, nor yet from the innate features of being he 
cannot control; but from a body of unconscious experiences vaster 
than knowledge, which imparts to the objects of consciousness, by 
affective transference, their human values." A special chapter is 
devoted to tfie continuity of emotion (persistence of the emotion inde- 
pendently of the idea to which it attaches) and the possibility of sub- 
hmation m the trarisferencc of the affect of childish sources o£ 
enjoyment to useful trends of conduct Perhaps the chief differences 
m character he m the readmess with which affects transfer from one 
pursmt to another, and the direction of thUt^antfer^what makes the 
d^erence between the superior and ttic inferKrsonality^ T^^.^^^ 
chapter contains a conception of all mJit^l trends as "balancing" the 
output of mental energy, and of haSll as^e ^^^^^^ P>^ ^^ 
the adjustment which results f ronT^ S^ of the supply oi ener^v 


with its expenditure. He brings out the mutual consistency of the 
fully developed economic and erotic trends, the biological significance 
of social trends, and the minor, in a narrower sense "balancing" 
values of social service, religion, and recreation, introduced to provide 
an outlet for the energy left unexpended by the fundamental trends. 
In conclusion he offers pertinent suggestions towards education from 
the standpoint of the psychopathologist He emphasises the necessity 
of directing education along the lines of fundamental trends, leading 
to a mastery of one's economic existence and love-life, as opposed for 
example to the cultivation of intellectual resources for use when other 
satisfactions fail, the importance of willing competition in the natural 
striving of one's fellows leading to normal Self-assurance, the encour- 
agement of the actively tangible and concretely serviceable ideals that 
are likely to bring the best adjustments towards life. The book is 
written in a non-technical, concrete, and readable style (its chief defect 
lies perhaps in a certain looseness of composition) and succeeds in 
conveying an illuminating, and at no time exaggerated, point of view 
and much pertinent counsel. 
Clark University. R. B. Teachout. 

NoBBERT J. Melville. Standard Method of Testing Juvenile Mentality, 
With an introduction by William Healy. J. B. Lippincott G>mpany, 
Philadelphia, 1917. Pp. xi, 142. 

This little book is a convenient manual for mental examiners who 
wish to use the 191 1 revision of the Binet-Simon tests. According to 
the Preface, *' the writer intends that this manual may aid in the 
careful training and exact ^idance of an ever-increasing corps of 
competent examiners who will be able to render first aid in juvenile 
mental crises by means of a brief scientific investigation." As Dr. 
Healy points out in his introduction to the Manual, " for final diagnosis 
of the mentality of the individual, the Binet test score is simply one 
out of several main facts to be taken into consideration. * * * I 
confess myself particularly interested in this two-fold attempt to devise 
more exact methods of using this scale, while at the same time abso- 
lutely insisting on the setting of sharp limitations to the interpretation 
of findings by this scale." 

Part I describes the general procedure of gathering and analysing 
the data according to the author's standard or uniform method, which, 
as he insists, is not another revision or adaptation of the Binet-Simon 
tests, but merely a minute description of a large number of details of 
performance which are ordinarily left to the discretion of the exammer. 
The tests are arranged in parallel series in such a way that those 
"tests which the majority of investigators thus far reported have 
shown to be most highly diagnostic in differentiating the mentally 
deficient from the normal, constitute the first or a series of tests ; those 
next in diagnostic value constitute the b series, etc." Furthermore, 
" those tests which involve the use of similar materials or methods are 
arranged in the same series so that they will be given in sequence;" 
thus the directions for the Picture Test, which occurs in years III, VII, 
and XV are all grouped together. "The standardization is based upon 
(i), the experiences growing out of an application in over a thousand 
cases of the recommendations of die Buffalo conference on Binet test- 
ing, and (2) a comparative study of the methods used by other investi- 

In connection with a discussion of provisional evaluations and classi- 
fications of Binet scores the author presents both a general plan of 


orthogenic case study and also several detailed schemata showing (a), 
an orthogenic table of provisional mental classification based upon 
the analysis of the Binet record; (b), a provisional psycho-educational 
classification involving language ability, Binet age difference, mentality, 
and scholastic group, and (c) Bluet's anatomical limits for subnormal 
boys, as to height and cephalic diameters. The problems of clinical 
interpretations are presented in the form of abridged quotations from 
Binet and Simon's original reports. A lon^ list of general and special . 
directions to examiners, together with specimen copies of standardized 
recording blanks and explanations for their use, are followed by general 
rules concerning the sequence of tests and the giving of instructions 
to subjects. 

Part II. contains the actual material to be used in the tests, except 
the objects. The pictures and drawings are arranged in such a way 
that the^ face the subject, while the correspondmg directions and 
explanations for using these drawings or pictures face the examiner. 
Two pages of sample drawings illustrating the standards for scoring 
the square, the diamond, and the other two figures, are included in 
the appendix. 

The proper use of this manual should contribute greatly to a more 
uniform and standardized application of the Binet-Simon tests and help 
to dispel the widespread fatal notion that a little common sense is 
all that is necessary for the performance and interpretation of general 
mentality tests. 

L. R. G. 

Rudolph Pintner and Donald G. Paterson. A Scale of Performance 
Tests. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1917. Pp. 217. 

One great drawback in most of the mental tests now in u^e is the 
necessity of language responses on the part of the pupil examined. 
Just how much the ability to handle language is indicative of intelli- 
gence is a question at issue. The clinical psychologist in the large city 
is face to face with the problem of the foreign child, the speech defec- 
tive, the deaf child, and other children with language difficulties. This 
has led to the type of test now generally known as the performance 
test, the essential characteristic of which is the elimination of a lan- 
guage response on the part of the child. 

The present volume offers a detailed description of the use of fifteen 
performance tests selected largely on the basis of variety, adaptation to 
new situations, and freedom from verbal instructions and responses. 
The remainder of the book is devoted to a discussion of methods of 
standardizing tests and establishing reliable norms. Data from the 
fifteen tests described are arranged in tables of distribution and then 
manipulated in order to show various means of scoring. In the year 
scale tests are grouped with the supposition that the average child of 
a particular age will pass all the tests of the year scale at the age in 
question and all below and none above that year. But a particular 
diild usually passes tests scattered over several years. Credit for 
these tests leads to the computation of a mental age. The authors 
then suggest the use of a "median mental age." Given a group of 
tests which have been adequately standardized and for which the 
median performance at each age is available, then the measure of an 
indtvidual's intelligence is the median of all the mental ages which he 
approximates in all the tests. The authors are inclined to question 
the validity and justification of the point scale method, especially the 
arbitrary allotment of credit which Yerkes and Bridges assign to their 


scale. Two drawbacks are apparent in tlie point scales: The fact 
that the cases must be tested on all the tests of the scale to establish 
valid norms, and that with an individual case all tests must be employed 
before the results can be used with advantage. The percentile method 
of scoring offers perhaps the best possibility for future work. The per- 
centile division can be made as small as the delicacy of the tests will 
warrant This method is desirable because it permits comparison of an 
individual's performance with those of other individuals of the same 
age. Tests may also be omitted and admitted very readily in such a 
scale. This gives great flexibility to the scale. 

C. C. Pratt. 

Harry D. Kitson. How to Use Your Mind, Philadelphia and London. 
J. B. Lippincott Company, 1916. Pp. 215. 

The author in the preface states the general purpose of the book. 
" Educational leaders are becoming increasingly aware of the necessity 
for teaching students not only the subject-matter of study but also 
methods of study. Teachers are beginning to see that students waste 
a vast amount of time and form many habits because they do not know 
how to use their minds." The recognition of this condition is taking 
the form of the movement toward " supervised study " which attempts 
to acquaint the student with principles of economy and directness in 
using the mind. There are certain "tricks" which make for mental 
efficiency such as * devices for arranging work, methods of review, 
methods of taking notes and rules for memory. These devices are in 
some cases the results of psychological experimentation and in others 
the results of experience. It is the purpose of the author to systema- 
tize these experiments and make them available in a textbook. 

The book is designated by the author as **A Psychology of Study," 
being a manual for the use of students and teachers in the administra- 
tion of supervised study. The text is divided into twelve chapters: 
Intellectual Problems of the College Freshman; Note Taking; Brain 
Action During Study ; Formation 01 Study Habits ; First Aids to Mem-» 
ory ; Concentration of Attention ; How We Reason ; Expression as an 
Aid in Learning; The Plateau of Despond; Mental Second Wind; 
Examinations and Bodily Conditions for Effective Study. 

The principles as outlined by Dr. Kitson are not new but have been 
brought together and systematized in such manner as to make a very 
readable and interesting text. The volume will be of service to anyone 
interested in economical and effective methods of study. 

A criticism might be made of the treatment of Chapter III, " Brain 
Action During Study." This chapter contributes little to the effective- 
ness of the text. It is difficult to see how such a popular and non- 
technical treatment would be of any service to the student or general 

The author has in no way indicated the principles that are of primary 
importance. The effectiveness of the book for general use would have 
been increased if the author had summarized me important principles 
or rules at the close of each chapter. The reviewer is not sure that 
the title. "How to Use Your Mind," is justifiable. 

J. A. Stevenson. 

WiLUAM A. White. Mechanisms of Character Formation, The Mac- 
Millan Company, 1916, pp. 335. 
This introduction to psychoanalysis brings together into compact and 
readable form the essential principles of the Freudian psychology. 


This, the author believes, "is the psychology which will prove of the 
greatest pragmatic advantage" since it is the first to realize that a 
mental event can only be understood as the end result of the past 
mental life of the individual and of the race. He, therefore, suggests 
that it be taught in the medical schools in a form similar to diat out- 
lined in this book. From a brief historical introduction he passes to 
tiie consideration of the "Genetic Approach to the Problem of Con- 
sciousness," which with the three following chapters upon the " Uncon- 
scious," the " G>nflict," and " Symbolism," deals with the general ques- 
tions "which define the placement of the psyche in the evolutional 
scheme." Man is to be regarded as a "biological" unit, as the material 
in and through which energy manifests itsdf in a constant tendency, 
with an unremitting effort to develop." This energy, the " libido " or 
creative force, is the " same in kind whether found at work in the indi- 
vidual cell, in the functioning of an organism, or in the psyche." In 
order to produce results, this creative force must overcome the resist- 
ances offered to the organism by its environment, and hence conflict, 
the action and reaction of opposing forces, is the fundamental factor 
in its development Conflict is the "very root and source of life." 
While in the lower organisms it is expressed in the tropisms and the 
reflexes by which the individual adjusts himself to his surroundings, 
in man it is manifested in the consciousness which arises when the com- 
plexity of a situation demands a choice of actions. In the human 
individual, the creative force takes the fundamental forms of self- 
preservation and race preservation, both of which early come into con- 
flict with his. social environment. The result is a repression of these 
instinctive tendencies, which are forced down below the conscious level, 
where they remain as the great submerged mass of the unconscious, 
"that portion of the psyche which has been built-up and organized 
in the process of development." But the "unconscious in its anti- 
social and unconventional tendencies can only express itself in con- 
sciousness under the form of a symbolism which at the same time 
effectually disguises its real meaning." The symbol thus serves as a 
"transmitter" of energy, and as a "transmuter" as well, since by its 
larger and more universal application it opens the way for the energy 
to pass into wider and more complex paths. 

The remaining chapters of the book are devoted to a more detailed 
discussion of the means by which this creative energy strives to rise 
above its limitations and deal with its environment efficiently; the 
"various mechanisms which are utilized at the psychic or symbolic 
level in dealing with the two- fold problem of integration and adjust- 
ment" of the mdividual to his environment Here are discussed the 
"Dream Mechanisms" familiar to Freudian readers; the "Family 
Romance," as the author prefers to call the neuroses representing the 
infantile attachment to the family situation ; the " Will of Power," and 
"Partial Libido Strivings," in which are discussed the abnormalities 
arising when the check of reality is too strong to be overcome by the 
vital force, which therefore finds its outlet in ways harmful to the 
efficiency of the organism. In the chapter upon Extroversion and 
Introversion," the distinction is drawn between those individuals whose 
energy tends to flow out upon the external world, and those whose 
interest is directed upon their own inner world; while the following 
consideration of "Organ Inferiority" contends "if at any point . .an 
inferior organ is unable to do its share of the work, then the conces- 
sions which have to be made to this defect and the compromises that 
have to be effected as a result of it must ultimately find their expression 
at the psychological level." In the concluding chapters on the " Resolu- 


txon of the Conflict " and " Summary and Synthesis/' the author again 
returns to the value of the sjrmbol as the "energy carrier from one 
level to the next higher level m this process " of development. 

Throughout there is a wealth of illustrations drawn from pathological 
and child psychology, as well as from that of primitive man, in the 
explanation of the various technical terms. The book is one of the 
first attempts to gather together and systematize the various principles 
of psychoanalysis and as such is invaluable as an introduction and a 
summary in this field. 

E. Bowman. 

Daniel Starch. Advertising: Its Principles, Practice, and Technique, 
Scott, Foresman and Company, Chicago, 1914, pp. 281. 

As app^rs from the preface, this book is intended to serve "as a 
textbook for students and as an introductory handbook for business 
men." The author has endeavored to combine the practical and the 
theoretical aspects of the subject in such a way that the practical ex- 
periences of business houses, which are quoted at length, may illustrate 
the underlying principles, and that the discussion of principles may 
illuminate the practical results of business. 

Advertising specialists all over the country agree that Professor 
Starch has contributed the best book on advertising thus far, consider- 
ing its simplicity, accuracy and helpfulness. 

The contents cover the following phases of advertising: The place 
of advertising in the business world; problems of advertising; attract- 
ing attention; reaching the people; display type. — its attention — value 
and use; the size of advertisements; emphasis and unity in advertise- 
ments, avoidance of counter-attractions ; contrast, the use of colors and 
novel features; borders, eye-movement and attention; mediums, — 
magazines, newspapers, street railway cards; trade names and trade 
marks; headlines; illustrations; repetiton and cumulative effect; type 
and legibility; artistic elements in advertisements; arrangement, bal- 
ance, and harmony; argumentative advertisements; suggestive adver- 
tisements; testing the strength of advertisements; the ethics of adver- 

The organization of the material is excellent. The changes in the 
methods and ideals of advertising are taken up and illustrated by the 
type of copy used by the leading firms. The results of investigations 
by various firms to determine the efficiency of the advertisements are 
given in detail. Professor Starch presents the results of laboratory 
experiments, and the relation between these experiments and that "of 
the advertisement in operation is always clearly shown." But the 
function of an advertisement is to attract attention, to stimulate inter- 
est, and to secure a response, and the psychological principles which 
underlie the construction of the advertisement itself, are taken up in 
detail. It should be noted that psychological technicalities are avoided 
so that the material is easily understood by the average reader. 

It is estimated that in the United States eight hundred million dollars 
are spent annually for the purpose of advertising, and the printed 
space consumed would cover two thousand square miles. A full-page 
advertisement in the back issue of a leading magazine for women, for 
only one issue, cost ten thousand dollars. The problem of the adver- 
tiser is a large one, and this book should be looked upon as a primer 
of the science and practice of advertising. 

Teachers of advertising will welcome this text-book for it presents 
fundamental principles in such a concrete form that the students can 


readily absorb them. Professor Starch is the first writer to produce 
a text-book on advertising that anywhere near fills the need. This 
volume should be read by every one interested in any phase of adver- 

John A. Stevenson. 

The following books and pamphlets have been received:* 
Ellsworth Huntington. Citnlisation and Climate,, Yale University 
Press, New Haven, 1915. 

Indiana University Studies, No, 32, Studies in Arithmetic. Edited 
by Melvin E. Haggerty, Vol. 3. September, 1916. No. 34. The 
Ability to Read: Its Measurement and Some Factors Conditioning 
it. Edited by Melvin E. Haggerty, Vol 4, January, 1517. 

Robert M. Yerkes and Harold E. Burt. The Relation of Point-Scale 
Measurements of Intelligence to Educational Performance in Col- 
lege Students, Reprinted from School and Society, Vol. 5, No. 
"3, pp. 535-540. May, 1917. 

Harold E. Burt. Auditory Illusions of Movement — A Preliminary 
Study. Reprinted from Journal of Experimental Psychology, Vol. 
2, No. I, February, 1917. 

J. E. Wallace Wallin. The Feebleminded in the State of Missouri. 
Reprinted from The Psychological Clinic, Vol. 11, No. 2, April, 

7-. A Program for the State Care of the Feebleminded and 

Epileptic. Reprinted from School and Society, Vol. 4, No. 98, 
November, 1916. 

7. The Problem of the Feebleminded in its Educational and 

Social Bearings. Reprinted from School and Society, Vol. 2, No. 
30, July, 1915. 

* Mention here does not preclude further comment. 


The following items of general interest are quoted from the Phi 
Delta Kappa News Letter, (Chicago Chapter), June 1917: 

Dr. F. N. Freeman of the University of Chicago, has been directing 
an investigation of the handwriting of adults by the use of the kineto- 
scope. The first step of the process is to photograph with the motion 
picture camera operating at a certain number of exposures per second, 
usually about thirty, and from a position directly above the page, the 
whole writing process, forearm, hand, pen, writing, etc., while the sub- 
ject is in action. Not only the superior but also by an arrangement of 
mirrors, the lateral and front views of the hand, penholder, and 
fingers are obtained. The film is then developed and the image pro- 
jected so as to be greatly enlarged. By running the projectoscope 
at a desired rate of speed the movements used by the writer are 
clearly evident and subject to repeated observation. For closer analy- 
tical study the individual pictures are projected and the positions of 
the fingers, hand, arm, and pen studied or even outlined on drawing 
paper for exact measurements. The speed of the penpoint with the 
stroke is also clearly shown by noting its position at each exposure 
and measuring the distance which it passes over between successive 

The movements of the eyes in reading present many unsolved 
problems. Last year Mr. C. T. Gray made quite an extensive study 
of the differences in eye movements between good and poor readers. 
The apparatus which he designed,* with a few minor changes, is being 
used for further study this year (by Mr. A. R. Gilliland). A small 
bead soldered to a pair of spectacle frames is used to reflect a ray of 
light on the film by which movements of the head and shifts of the 
film may be detected. By keeping this bead line as a constant point 
of reference in reading the films it is possible to determine with rela- 
tive certainty the exact letter fixated. The problem of the difference 
between reading aloud and silently is being studied to determine the 
essential differences in eye movements. It is to be hoped that some 
light may be gained as to the differences between the mental processes 
in these activities. The difference in eye movements in reading differ- 
ent sized type is also being studied. Other tests should determine 
whether we actually see more of the letters than has been supposed. 

Dr. H. D. Kitson is engaged in a study of the psychology of proof- 
reading, with an end of determining the factors that influence the 
speed and accuracy of proofreading, and with the hope of devising 
tests that will be of assistance in the employment of proofreaders. 
The last problem is especially carried on by Mr. A. Howell. 

An extensive study of the problems of gifted children has been 
carried on during the past year under the direction of Professor G. M. 
Whipple at the University of Illinois, with a special fund appropriated 
for this purpose by the General Education Board. Miss Genevieve L. 
Coy (M. A., 1915, Columbia University), has given her full time to 
the problem of selecting mentality tests by means of which children 
of superior intelligence can be quickly and accurately selected from a 
heterogeneous group. Mr. T. S. Henry (Ph.D., 1917, Univ. 111.) has 

NOTES 299 

investigated class-room problems in the education of gifted children, 
while Mr. H. T. Manuel (Ph.D., 1917, Univ. Ill), made a special 
study of talents in drawing in adults and children above ten years of 
age. A special teacher was also engaged last September and con- 
nected with the public schools of Urbana, 111., to teach a class of 
thirty children selected as superior on the basis of teachers' judgments 
and school records. The children varied in chronological age between 
nine years seven months and twelve years three months on October 
I, 1916. Their mental ages by the Binet-Stanford scale varied between 
ten years three months and sixteen years one month, and their I. Q.'s 
from 99 to 147. The purpose was to determine whether by special 
instruction these children could master two years* school work in one 
year. It was found that at least eighty per cent, will be able to enter 
next fall two grades above the one they entered in the previous year. 
Miss Coy*s results have definitely brought out the fact that teachers' 
judgments and school records furnish a very unreliable basis for dif- 
ferentiating between normal and supernormal children, but that a few 
hours devoted to well selected mentality group tests result in a sharp 
and reliable differentiation between the two groups of children. Miss 
Coy will probably continue the work of studying supernormal children 
next year in the Department of Psychology of the Ohio State Uni- 

The Fourteenth Annual Report of the Director of the Carnegie Insti- 
tute of Technology for the year ending March 31, 1917, includes the 
Second Annual Report of the Division of Applied Ps)rchology, includ- 
ing the Department for the Training of Teachers and The Bureau of 
Mental Tests, from which the following items are quoted below: 

D. Walter Dill Scott, of Northwestern University, the foremost 
American authority on psychology in its application to business was 
secured as Director of the newly-organized Bureau of Salesmanship 
Research to conduct the five-year experiment in vocational selection 
described later. Dr. Scott was also appointed to the faculty with the 
title of Professor of Applied Psychology. During his absence Profes- 
sor G. M. Whipple of the University of Illinois has been selected to 
serve as Acting Director of the Bureau of Salesmanship Research. 

This cooperative enterprise of thirty business concerns with selling 
organizations of national scope is concentrating its efforts on a study 
of the problems of the human element in marketing: the salesman, his 
selection, training and supervision. The cost of the Bureau is chiefly 
met by the business firms which contribute $15,000 a year toward the 
expenses of the research. The Carnegie Institute of Technology in 
turn furnishes office quarters, laboratories, equipment and supplies. 
Dr. Scott's research course has already resulted in a volume entitled 
"Aids in the Selection of Salesmen," containing model forms for appli- 
cation blanks, letters to former employers, mterviewers' guides and 
record blanks and a set of tests to be used as a supplementary means 
of determining the applicant's intelligence, alertness, carefulness, imag- 
ination, resourcefulness and verbal facility — qualities which contribute 
to effective salesmanship. In this work Dr. Scott has had the help of 
six research assistants and the cooperation of Drs. B. G. Miner, G. M. 
Whipple, and W. V. Bingham, head of the Division of Applied 

Professor C. E. Seashore of the department of psychology at the 
University of Iowa has recently issued a bulletin, entitled Vocational 
Guidance in Music, in which he describes his newly established Psychol- 
ogy of Music Studio. Nature's gift of musical endowment can be 

300 NOTES 

measured by a system of psychological tests which deal with the 
most salient features of musical talent — sensitivity to tones, the time- 
sense, the sense of rhythm, the sense of harmony and melody, musical 
memory^ musical imagination, musical feeling, musical intellect, and 
musical expression in singing and playing. From this system of meas- 
urements it is possible to decide whether or not a musical education 
is worth while in any given case, why such an education should be of 
one kind rather than of another, what musical powers are most promis- 
ing for cultivation, what powers need special training, what pitfalls are 
to be avoided, etc. The record obtained from the test of an individual 
is expressed in a " chart of musical talent." A complete and thorough 
examination of an individual includes twenty measurements and 
requires three days of continuous work. The staff of the Studio is 
prepared to make a limited number of surveys for vocational guidance 
in music among the children of the public schools. The results of 
these surveys will, however, be only tentative, yet they may serve 
"as a sort of drag-net by means of which marked talent or lack of 
talent will be revealed." The Studio is conducted in connection with 
the Psychological Laboratory of the University of Iowa; it is in 
charge of a psychologist and a musician, with a corps of trained 
assistants who make the measurements by approved psychological 
methods; the Studio is equipped with apparatus which has been speci- 
ally designed for this work. This new and unique movement serves 
as another illustration of the variety of fields of human activity in 
which the applications of psychology promise to be helpful and fruit- 

Psychological tests of candidates for the aviation corps are now being 
conducted at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology by Dr. H. £. 
Burtt, at the University of California by Professor G. M. Stratton, and 
at the University of Pennsylvania by Professor F. N. Maxfield. 


Among the many scientific problems which the war has 
forced upon the attention of our military authorities there are 
several which are either psychological or present a psychologi- 
cal aspect. In the opinion of experts many of these problems 
arej immediately soluble and it therefore becomes the duty of 
professional psychologists to render national service by work- 
ing on such problems. For this reason a committee on psy- 
chology has been organized with the approval of the council 
of the American Psychological Association, by the National 
Research Council. This committee consists of J. McKeen 
Cattell, G. Stanley Hall and E. L. Thomdike from the Na- 
tional Academy of Sciences; Raymond Dodge, S. I. Franz 
and G. M. Whipple from the American Psychological Asso- 
ciation, and C. E. Seashore, J. B. Watson and R. M. Yerkes, 
Chairman (member of the National Research Council) from 
the American Association for the advancement of Science. 

At the first meeting of the committee, it was voted "that 
whereas psychologists in common with other men of science 
may be able to do invaluable work for national service and in 
the conduct of the war, it is recommended by this committee 
that psychologists volunteer for and be assigned to the work 
in which their service will be of the greatest use to the nation. 
In the case of students of psychology, this may involve the 
completion of the studies on which they are engaged." 

It is the function of this general committee to organize and, 
in a general way, supervise psychological research and service 
in the present emergency. Problems suggested by military 
officers or by psychologists are referred by the committee to 
appropriate individuals or institutions for immediate attention. 
Already at the suggestion of .the coimcil of the American 
Psychological Association the chief psychological laboratories 
of the country have been offered to the committee for such 
use as the military situation dictates. Moreover, the member- 
ship of the American Psychological Association, in response 
to a letter addressed to it by the council, has responded most 
promptly and heartily with offers of personal service. 

At a meeting held in Philadelphia, April 21, the council of 
the American Psychological Association, in addition to ap- 
proving and urging the appointment of a committee on psy- 
chology for the National Research Council, authorized- the 
organization of twelve committees to deal with various im- 
portant aspects of the relations of psychology to the war. 


The list of committees with their personnel, so far as at 
present announced, follows, together with brief comment on 
the status of their work : 


Committee on Psychological Literature Refflting to Military Af- 
fairs. — It is the function of this committee to prepare bibliographies 
and abstracts of important psychological military contributions for 
the immediate use of committees, individual investigators, and for 
publication. Chairman, Madison Bentley, University of Illinois. Dr. 
Bentley already has rendered valuable service to several of the com- 

Committee on the Psychological Examining of Recruits. — ^The first 
task of this committee is the preparation and standardization of meth- 
ods and the demonstration of their serviceableness. Chairman R. M. 
Yerkes, Harvard University, W. V. Bingham, H. H. Goddard. T. H. 
Haines, L. M. Terman, F. L. Wells, G. M. Whipple. 

This Committee has prepared a method of group examining, and also 
varied methods of individual examining. The work, covering a period 
of four weeks, was generously financed by the Committee on Provision 
for the Feeble-minded. The methods are now being tested in three army 
camps and one naval station. The expense of this initial trial, 
which is made primarily for the further development and perfecting 
of the methods, is met by an appropriation of twenty-five hundred 
dollars made by the Committee on Furnishing Hospital Units for 
Nervous and' Mental Disorders to the United States Goverpment. 
At the present writing, the Surgeon-General of the Army awaits lists 
of psychologists who are both adequately prepared and willing to 
serve as psychological examiners. 

It is the conviction of the committee that the psychological examiner, 
by applying specially prepared and adapted methods to recruits in the 
camps, should obtain measurements valuable alike to line officers, to 
general medical officers, and to the special officers in charge of the 
psychiatric hospital units. 

It is assumed that the work of the psychologist, although not strictly 
medical in character but instead vocational, educational and social, will 
supplement that of the medical examiner by supplying him with infor- 
mation otherwise not available. Further, the psychologist may aid the 
psychiatrist by detecting and referring to him those individuals for 
whom careful psychiatric examination is obviously desirable. 

Committee on the Selection of Men for Tasks Requiring Special 
Skill. — This includes the selection and promotion of officers, as well as 
the choice of men for varied kinds of skilled service. Chairman, £. 
L. Thorndike, Columbia University, J. C. Chapman, T. L. Kelley, W. 
D. Scott 

A new method of selecting officers devised by Dr. Scott is now in 
use in many of the Officers' Training camps. 

Committee on Psychological Problems of Aviation, Including Ex- 
amination of Aviation Recruits. — Chairman, H. E. Burtt, Harvard 
University, W. R. Miles, L. T. Troland. 

Work looking toward the development and thorough testing of 
methods for the selection of aviation recruits has been authorized by 
the government and already is in progress in at least one of the in- 
stitutions where the recruits are being trained. 

Committee on the Psychological Problems of Incapacity, Especially 


Those of Shock, Reeducation and Vocational Training, — Chairman, S. 
I. Franz, Government Hospital for the Insane, J. B. Watson, K. S. 

The task proposed for this committee is a large and diffcult one and 
the chairman plans to organize, in intimate relations with various mili- 
tary activities and agencies, a committee which shall be competent to 
deal with the varied scientific problems of incapacity. 

Dr. Franz has himself developed successful methods for the reeduca- 
tion of certain paralytics, and according to our information his methods 
are now used by the Military Hospitals Commission of Canada. It 
is greatly to be hoped that his own country may be equally ready to 
avail itself of these methods, and that it may adequately prepare in 
advance for the extremely important as well as difficult task of re- 
habilitating maimed and paralyzed soldiers and sailors. 

Committee on Psychological Problems of Recreation in the Army tind 
ATotn'.^^hairman, G. A. Coe, Union Theological Seminary, W. C. 
Bagfey, H. L. Hollingworth, G. T. W. Patrick, J. H. Tufts. 

This committee will serve the national cause by cooperating in 
every profitable way with the committee on military recreation of 
the Y. M. C. A., and with such other agencies as are immediately con- 
cerned with this kind of military aid. Psychologists will find abundant 
opportunity for the study of psychological aspects of recreational 

Committee on Pedagogical and Psychological Problems of Military 
Training and Discipline. — Chairman, C. H. Judd, University of Chi- 

Committee on Problems of Motivation in Connection with Military 
Service. — Chairman, W. D. Scott, Northwestern University, H. 5. 
Langfeld. J. H. Tufts. 

Committee on Problems of Emotional Stability, Fear and Self-control. 
— Chairman, R. S. Woodworth, Columbia University, W. B. Cannon, 
G. S. Hall, J. B. Morgan, J. F. Shepard. 

It is probable that in addition to dealing with the special problems 
of emotional stability this committee will find it desirable to under- 
take a careful study of incorrigibility. 

Committee on Acoustic Problems of Military Importance. — Chair- 
man, C. E. Seashore, University of Iowa, R. M. Ogden, C. A. Ruck- 

Already the chairman of this committee has interested himself in the 
relations of the principles of acoustics to various naval situations. 
Methods of localizing sounds and their utilization for the detection 
of submarines, the identification of guns, and the locating of batteries 
are clearly important These questions are under investigation by the 
Physics Committee of the National Research Council, with which Dr. 
Seashore's committee will cooperate. 

Committee on Visual Problems of Military Significance. — Chairman, 
R. Dodge, Wesleyan University, R. P. Angier, H. A. Carr, L. R. 
Geissler, S. P. Hayes, G. M. Stratton, L. T. Troland. 

Chairman Dodge has devised and perfected an apparatus for the 
measurement of various important aspects of the naval gunner's re- 
action. This is now installed for trial on a number of battleships. 
The Committee has also been requested to prepare and recommend 
to the Navy methods for the selective examining of men for various 
kinds of service. This work is in progress and its results will shortly 
be reported to the officials directly concerned. 


If the war continues for as much as a year American psy- 
chologists will have opportunity to serve importantly, not only 
in the examining and classifying of recruits but also in the 
selection of men for positions of responsibility, and in the 
choice and training of aviation recruits, naval gunners and 
others in skilled service. It is no longer a matter, as at first 
appeared to be the case, of inducing military authorities to 
accept methods of psychological measurement, but instead 
primarily one of meeting their expressed needs and requests 
for assistance. 

As psychological research along such lines as have been indi- 
cated above progresses and as the applicability and service- 
ability of methods are demonstrated and rendered increasingly 
clear, it is probable that effective use can be made by the 
government of all scientists who are skilled in the study and 
control of human behavior. For after all the human factors in 
war are as important as are the mechanical and it cannot be 
doubted that brains and not brawn will decide the great con- 

R. M. Yerkes, 




Vol. I DECEMBER. 1917 No. 4 


By Paul S. Achilles and Edith Mulhall Achilles 

The question of the best combinations of character quali- 
ties for success in different occupations has long been of 
interest, but the present necessity for thousands of men to 
enter a single occupation, that of soldier, lends new interest 
to the particular question of the best combination of traits 
for success in military life. Although the breadth and the 
many possible interpretations of this question preclude a 
definite answer, the widespread interest in the subject led 
one of the writers who was a member of the first Officers' 
Training Camp at Plattsburg Barracks, N. Y., to carry out 
the following investigation. 

The list of character qualities given below was selected, 
and the procedure consisted in obtaining the rankings of these 
qualities in the order of their importance for success in mili- 
tary life from a large number of the men. A list of " Quali- 
ties for Rating of Executive Ability" already in experi- 
mental use by Professor E. B. Gowin of New York Uni- 
versity* for investigating their importance for business execu- 
tive was chosen with a view of obtaining possible interesting 
comparisons. This list, with brief instructions, was printed 
on blanks as shown on next page, and ratings obtained from 
one himdred candidates and Reserve Officers attending the 
training camp at Plattsburg. 



For comparison with ratings made by business men, of the following 
qualities in the order of their importance for success in business life, 
it is desired to obtain from regular army officers a rating of the same 

fualities in the order of their importance for success in military life, 
^ut a " I " in front of the quality, the possession of which you consider 
most important ; a " 2 " in front of the next most important, and so on 
until you have put a " 14 " in front of the least important Consider 
that every man probably possesses a certain degree of each of the 
Qualities, and rank them according to the desirability of their pre- 
dominance in any given man for his success in military life. 


(Energy, courage, domination by will) 


(Well groomed appearance, good carriage, pleasing facial 
expression, voice, etc) 


(Interest in playing the military game) 


(Freedom from outbursts of anger, touchiness, etc) 


(Unselfishness, kindness, cheerfulness, tact, loyalty) 


(Alertness, imagination, originality, independence in think- 


(Truthfulness, honesty, sincerity) 


(Bodily vigor, good sight, hearing, etc.) 


(Reasoning ability, accuracy in conclusions, ability to profit 
by experience) 


(Reasonableness, teachableness, openness to new ideas) 


(Systematizing, classifying according to functions, planning 
and delegating) 


(Industry, ambition, concentration) 


(Courtesy, manners, general culture) 



Do the results of these rankings show any marked agree- 
ment as to the most valuable qualities for success in military 
life? Table 1 presents the results obtained from one hun- 
dred of the candidates and Reserve Officers at the first (Officers* 
Training Camp at Plattsburg, May 12 to August 15, 1917. 
The figures under the name of the trait indicate the number 
of candidates placing the trait in each of the fourteen places. 
The sums of positions are obtained by adding one times the 
number of cases the trait was put in position 1, twice the 
number of cases it was in position 2, etc. Thus if an item 
had been in position 1 in each of the hundred times the sum 
would be 100 and if it had been in position 14 each of the 
hundred times the sum would have been 1,400. The range 
indicates the lowest and highest position in which the traits 
were placed. This range is great — indeed in eleven of the 
fourteen traits it is 1-14, the greatest possible range. There 
is no distinctly marked agreement as to the exact placement 
of the qualities. However, a glance a the sums of the positions 
shows a gap which divides the list in half. This may be taken 
to mean that the first seven qualities, as a group, are the 
most valuable for success in military life. The existence of 
this grouping seems to indicate that possession of all of these 
first seven qualities is about equallv essential, although the 
part of the table showing the number of men placing each 
quality in each position shows a rather wide range of opinion. 
However, the first half of each of the first seven colimms 
adds up to over 50 thus showing that when the table is 
examined by quarters, it also indicates a fair predominance 
in favor of these same first seven qualities as being most 
valuable — ^judgment, health, aggressiveness, initiative, integrity, 
organizing ability, perseverance. 

It might be supposed from this wide range of opinion 
among the hundred embryo officers, most of them college 
graduates, that there is no definitely fixed common ideal 
gained from history and biography as to the one best com- 
bination of qualities for a successful military career. The 
indications from these results are rather that success in mili- 
tary life is open to men of all sorts of character and does 
not depend upon any special predominance of certain quali- 
ties. On the other hand, the lack of agreement in these results 
may be due, in part, to the fact that the ratings were all made 
by novices in the military profession. 

For comparison with the above estimates made by men 
but little acquainted with military life, rankings were obtained 
from forty-two officers of the Regular Army who were in- 



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structors at the fourteen officers' training camps. The results 
of their ratings of the fourteen qualities are given in Table 2. 

The same seven qualities appear in the first half, as in 
Table 1, but in a diflFerent order. Integrity, initiative, and 
perseverance are given more importance and health, aggres- 
siveness, and organizing ability less. This shifting is prob- 
ably due in part to individual diflFerences rather than group 
differences. At first glance health seems to have been dis- 
torted in place, but 'further examination shows that 82% of 
the candidates and 80% of the officers put it in one of the 
first seven places — in other words, no marked group dif- 
ference is present. In the second half the most striking 
placement is that of refinement. It is three places higher 
in the officers' rankings, and yet only 7% of the officers placed 
it in one of the first seven positions and 15% of the candidates 
did — thus its new position is due in part to the officers' think- 
ing openmindedness and competitiveness less important than 
the candidates did. A comparison of Tables 1 and 2 shows 
a scattering of opinion for both groups. The range is less 
for the officers' group, but in both tables it is large. 

The following Table 3 gives the median position for each 
of the qualities and their average deviation from the median. 
When records are at hand for other occupations besides mili- 
tary, a comparison will be interesting. 


42 officers 

Median A.D. 

Aggressiveness 4 2.48 

Appearance 10 2.36 

Competitiveness 10 1 .83 

Control of emotions 9 2.28 

Cooperativeness 9 2.88 

Initmtive 4 1.93 

IntMrrity 4 2.81 

Health 5 2.48 

Judgment 3 1.81 

OpemnindednesB 10 2.43 

Organizing ability 6 2.85 

Perseverance 5 1.90 

Refinement 12 1.69 

SenseofHumor 14 1.17 

As a practical matter, the forty-two Regular Army officers 
probably have a much more definite idea of the desirable 
qualities to look for in a man who is likely to succeed in mili- 

100 candidates 
































tary life than have the one hundred civilians, but the present 
investigation fails to bring this out strikingly (1) because of 
its abstract nature, (2) b^use of the arbitrary selection and 
inexact definition of qualities, (3) because the same qualities 
are needed in many professions, and (4) because of the 
many possible interpretations of the phrase 'success in mili- 
tary life/ Very obviously success in diflFerent ranks and 
branches of service depends upon different qualities. A man 
capable of success as a private might never succeed as an 
officer, and similarly a man might gain immediate success 
as a lieutenant without possessing in sufficient degree the 
qualities necessary for ultimate success in the highest ranks. 
One lieutenant-colonel of the Regular Army placed the quali- 
ties in the following order, as being the best combination 
for a young lieutenant just starting his military career : Judg- 
ment, Openmindedness, Integrity, Perseverance, Aggressive- 
ness, Initiative, Organizing Ability, Cooperativeness, Competi- 
tiveness, Control of Emotions, Health, Refinement, Appearance 
and Sense of Humor. A major to whom thousands of officers 
are indebted for their conception of the value of physical train- 
ing places Health first, and the other qualities as follows: 
Integrity, Judgment, Organizing Ability, Initiative, Persever- 
ance, Appearance, Aggressiveness, Cooperativeness, Competi- 
tiveness, Refinement, Control of Emotions, Openmindedness, 
and Sense of Humor. A Brigadier-General writes : " From 
the viewpoint purely of the soldier, it is not practicable to 
possess any of the other qualities to the desired degree, if one 
has poor health, as here defined. I am of course, somewhat 
uncertain as to the relative values to be placed on several, 
such as, for instance, initiative, organizing ability, judgment, 
aggressiveness, integrity and perseverance. They are all neces- 
sary to make the complete man, and yet I think, I have g^ven 
them the relative value they should occupy." His order 
was: Health, Organizing Ability, Initiative, Judgment, Ag- 
gressiveness, Perseverance, Competitiveness, Integrity, Co- 
operativeness, Openmindedness, Appearance, Control of Emo- 
tions, Refinement, Sense of Humor. 

Another officer states that the two most important qualities 
for an officer to possess do not appear on the list, namely 
leadership and ability to judge men. A fourth, a major, 
who has been nineteen years in service and is exceptionally 
well read in the lives of great military leaders, believes that 
very few of our Regular Army officers, much less those now 
hastily becoming officers, have seen enough actual warfare to 
adequately estimate the most important qualifications for suc- 
cessfully commanding troops in the field. He suggests that 


the best estimation could be found in the memoirs of the 
great generals of history who have written of the qualities 
thsit are necessary to lead troops in battle. This is a fruitful 
field, and the writers regret that their lack of acquaintance 
with it prevents the entering of information from these sources 
in the present article, which must be confined to the limited 
data at hand. It seems possible, however, that, were a list 
of character qualities, such as used here, presented for rating 
to any number of great military leaders, a similar wide range 
of opinion would be found, due partly to individual diflFerences 
in interpretation of both the nature of the qualities and the 
requirements of varying military situations, and partly to 
individual differences of opinion. For example. Napoleon 
says, " The most important quality of the soldier is his ability 
to support fatigue and privation; physical courage is only 
the second." Yet battles have been won (Montcalm at Que- 
bec), by leaders in ill-health who have gone from sick beds 
by force of will. Consequently we must expect to find diflFerent 
importance attached to health and to each of the other quali- 
ties according to the attitude and interpretation of the man 
ranking them. Furthermore, very much the same qualities 
are needed for success in any field of endeavor.^ 

An attempt was made to see if the results of these rankings 
could be utilized as criteria for the qualities to look for in the 
selection of desirable officers and non-commissioned officers. 
For example, would an individual who ranked the given list 
of qualities in an order widely diflFerent from that given by 
the average show any peculiar characteristics making him 
unlikely to succeed in military life? Correlations between 
the objective order and sixteen individual rankings by the 
candidates were worked out. The objective order was the 
order of the average orders of the one hundred candidates. 
It was found that orders given by some of the candidates who 
failed to be commissioned at Plattsburg correlated higher with 
the objective order than many of the orders given by men 
commissioned as captains and lieutenants; If the objective 
order is taken as a standard order, then a man's estimation 
as to the relative importance of these qualities seems to have 
little or no relation to his own possession of the qualities 
requisite for success. 

The method for estimating abilities recently described by 
James Burt Miner of Carnegie Institute of Technology* was 

1 H. L. Hollingworth. Vocational Psychology, pp. 98-99. 

* James Burt Miner: The Evaluation of a Method for Finely Grad- 
uated Estimates of Abilities. /. of Applied Psychol, 1917, VoL i, 
pp. 123-133. 



followed in the next part of this investigation. Cards for 
rating individual candidates were prepared. The qualities 
used on the card were the five of the previous list ranked 
highest by Regular Army officers and by the candidates, with 
the addition of the sixth, Leadership. The card was as 
follows : 

Please rate the candidate oamed above for the traits indicated, keeping in 
mind employment in military service. Give the rating independently without 
consulting others. 

Among the members of this company the candidate would rank in which 
fifth? Indicate the position in each tndt by pladng a dot along the line, grad- 
ing the candidate as finely as irou can. 



5th, Av. 




Aggrcssiveneas. ..... 




Name the highest rank which irou think this candidate has the ability to attain. 

State the branch of service for which this candidate seems to be best qualified. 

It was planned to have twenty-five men in one platoon raje 
each other and themselves for possession of these qualities as 
compared with the other members of their company, but, 
owing to lack of time, it was impossible to get all of these 
ratings made before the commissions were announced at the 
close of camp. However, nine men of one platoon filled out 
ninety-six of the cards and the results are summarized in 
Table 4. The ratings cover fifteen men but are fairly com- 
parable since nine of the men were rated by at least eight 
of the same nine judges. The six men marked by asterisks (*) 
included themselves in the ratings. Their estimates of self 
were uniformly higher than the average of estimates given 
them by their judges. To simplify the scoring the divisions 
on card were numbered Highest 5th to Lowest 5th 1, 2, 3, 4, 
5, and a dot appearing in a division credited with the number 
of that division. Thus a dot appearing in Highest 5th is 


scored 1, a dot in second 5th is scored 2, and so on. Hence 
the smaller the score after a man's name the more favorably 
he was rated. If eight men rated one candidate as being in 
Highest 5th in each quality, his score for each quality would 
be 8 and his total 6 x 8 or 48, or a * perfect ' score. To facili- 
tate comparison, the diflFerence between each man's possible 
total score and his actual total score is g^ven ; but strictly these 
differences are comparable only where the judges are identical 
and equal in number. The sections of the table to the right 
tabulate the answers to the request on the cards, i,e., Name 
the highest rank which you think this candidate has the ability 
to attain ; State the branch of service for which this candidate 
seems to be best qualified. The last section also shows the 
actual commission received at the close of camp. 

Apparently for the few men covered here the ratings by 
these judges correspond pretty well with the selections made 
by the authorities at the camp on the basis of the candidates' 
records and the recommendations of Regular Army officers 
who judged the men and who observed especially their apti- 
tude, conduct, capacity for command, military bearing, zeal, 
physical fitness. The impression of the writer with military 
experience is that usually such abstraction and refinement in 
rating men would be both impracticable and superfluous for 
the selection of non-commissioned officers in the company. 
Its chief advantage would be its fairness to the men and the 
minimizing of the partialities of those making the selections; 
but the company commander should deal fairly with his men, 
and the rough and ready tests of camp life, the drill field and 
the actual military situations furnish him the best basis for 

Although it is possible that any 'paper* test given in a 
few minutes will not serve to differentiate in a reliable way 
desirable men for leaders and responsible positions, especially 
in the varied requirements of military life, yet some of the 
standard tests do show important individual differences. The 
Woodworth-Wells Hard Directions test is one which has not 
been found to correlate very highly with scholarship, and yet 
it might show a certain sort ol * ability to keep one's wits ' 
that seems necessary in military life. This test was given to 
twenty-eight candidates at Plattsburg. The results are shown 
in Table 5. The average time was 2 minutes 16.7 seconds 
and the average number of errors 2.4. 

Apparently the test does not correlate well with that com- 
bination of abilities which make for success in military life, 
at least not on the basis of the selections of these men made 











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Hard Directions Test 

Rank Candidate seconds Errors Commission 

1 Pn 58 2 2ndLt 

2 Dy 77 Aviation(stutter8 quite badly) 

3 Kh 81.4 1 2ndLt. 





4 Hs 88 2ndLt 

5 Ft 88.6 None 

6 Be 90 3 Q.M.2ndLt 

7 Tl 96 4. 

8 Hd 98.4 2 None 

9 Es 100 1 2ndLt 

10 Ld 102 1 Aviation 

11 Px 109.4 1 Aviation 

12 Ky 114 1 CaptOrd. 

13 Ys 114 7 2ndLt. . 

14 Wb 120 2 None 

15 Ve 126.6 1 None 

16 Bd 129 5 IstLtOrd. 

17 Bs 135 3 2ndLt. 

18 Rn 143.8 1 2nd Lt 

19 As 156 3 2ndLt 

20 Hv 160 2 None 

21 Me 166.4 None 

22 En 171 4 Q.M.2ndLt 

23 My 171.4 3 2nd Lt 

24 Mn 174 5 2ndLt 

25 Rs 177 3 2ndLt. 

26 Hw 225 2 2nd Lt 

27 Dr 235 4 None 

28 An 267.2 6 None 

Average 136.7 2.4 

at Plattsburg, for some men who did well on the test failed 
to get commissions and others who did poorly were rated 
highly by their fellows and did receive commissions. 


1. Candidates for commissions differ in their opinions as to 
which qualities of character are most valuable in military life. 

2. Officers diflFer in their opinions as to which qualities of 
character are most valuable in military life. 

3. No correlation was found between those who ranked the 
qualities similar to the objective order and those who received 

4. Judgments of associates at camp agreed fairly well with 
selections made by authorities. 

5. Woodworth-Wells Hard Direction test did not seem to 
correlate well with abilities which led men to receive com- 
missions at Plattsburg. 


By Flobence Mateek, Ph. D., 
Psychologist, Massachusetts School for Feeble-Minded, Waverley, Mass. 

The question of the moron, his detection and military 
utilization, presented itself the moment our country began 
picking its defenders by a selective draft. The determina- 
tion of our attitude towards him and of our use of him in 
the war is of practical importance. Our final decision, bring- 
ing acceptance or rejection of him as a defender of his 
country, will have far reaching economic, eugenic and social 

All morons, as well as all defectives of lower grades of 
mentality, who were of draft age were registered on the 
fifth of June. This registration included all those who were 
under institutional care at that time. As the call has come, 
those who are in institutions have been almost automatically 
exempted because of the fact of their being in an institution 
for feeble-minded. Will all those in the community be simi- 
larly exempted when the formal examination of recruits for 
mental defect begins? 

The disposition of all mental defectives can not be settled 
at one and the same time. The mentally defective person 
may be an3rthing from an inert mass of flesh which cannot 
feed itself to a seemingly normal person whose sole difficulty 
is his inability "to conduct his affairs with ordinary pru- 
dence." The former would be picked out at once by any 
medical examiner. The latter requires every clinical device 
for his detection, let alone for the determination of his accep- 
tance or rejection as a soldier or sailor. 

There is as much diflFerence between these two extremes of 
mental defect as there is between humdrum normality and 
the mentality of our greatest leaders, yet the consideration 
of the moron as a distinct problem is usually handicapped by 
the public's concept of him as merely one of the group of 
feeble-minded. To them a feeble-minded person is one who 
has a shuffling gait, crooked features, poor eyes, ears and teeth. 
He is a dirty, drooling, repulsive creature, needing constant 
care. He stares vacantly about. He must be treated just 
like a baby for his mentality and, consequently, his compre- 


hension are those of an infant. Of course he obviously needs 
institutional care. 

This description does not apply to the moron. Technically 
he has a mind which ranges from that of an eight-year-old 
child up to that indefinable level which just renders him 
deficient enough to fall below the level of those who have 
made good and reached normality. Actually he is diflFerent 
from any child after he has passed the years of his own child- 
hood. His mind, however inferior, has had the extra ten or 
fifteen years which have brought him to adulthood. In that 
time he has gathered experience and his mind is that of an 
eight- or ten- or twelve-year-old plus adult length of experi- 
ence. His reactions are necessarily different from those of 
a child of the same inherent mentality because of this factor 
of experience. 

This moron group are as healthy and strong of body as the 
average man or woman we meet on the street. They have 
good co-ordination. They are athletic and physically capable. 
They are not often detected and placed in institutions because 
of physical inferiority but because of either social, moral, 
economic or educational difficulties. It is from these stand- 
points therefore that he is most apt to be a problem if he 
IS introduced to army life. 

Socially he is not likely to become a problem unless he 
becomes a prey to more clever men who induce him to voice 
their discontent or who torment him until he becomes sullen. 
Usually he is willing, easily interested, aflFable and eager to 
be friendly with everybody. 

Morally he is apt to be a problem. He tends to be sexually 
promiscuous. But when we consider the enormous problem 
which prostitution and venereal disease raise the minute an 
army gathers, we doubt whether the moron is any worse in 
this respect than the average man, except that the moron gets 
caught. The same is true in regard to crime. The moron is 
not a bom criminal. He seldom thinks up the crime for 
himself. He gets caught more frequently. Nor has it ever 
been proven that he is more given to lying or that his lying 
is any more chronic or malicious than that of supposedly 
normal people. 

It is not a bad thing to know a soldier's short-comings, and 
one surely cannot discard the moron from our armies because 
of probable social or moral defects in which he is no worse 
than other recruits. The reason for his use or elimination 
must consequently be sought in his tendency to be an economic 
and educational failure. These two aspects of failure are 
really indications of the same thing. The economic efficiency 
of the child lies in his being the best sort of a student possible 


and so using to the best advantage the opportunities for work 
which are opened to him. When he is through school his 
utilization of his chances for earning his living continues the 
demands made upon him. His success in both situations 
depends upon his learning and adapting to the situation which 
confronts him. The question of the moron's making good in 
the army or navy consequently depends upon whether he can 
learn what is required of him as a military unit and whether 
he can adapt to the daily regime. 

So far as formal psychological tests go we find that the 
moron can learn. He is, on the average, slower in learning 
than the normal person and slower in adapting when the thing 
to be learned and adapted to is an abstract thing. But put 
him in a concrete situation, give him a concrete thing to learn, 
and there is little diflFerence between him and a normal person. 
In concrete situations the defective does his best. He glories 
in the actual thing to be done. He can learn to drill and 
march, to dig, drive teams, and build. He can fetch and 
carry and he does it with a better will than the normal man 
who dreams of accomplishing more than a trivial round of 
chores which is never done. 

The moron fits into the cogs of a big system with very 
little friction. He is content to eat and sleep and dress and 
work as a part of a machine with machine-like regularity. 
Such monotony he can understand and appreciate. 

He does not adapt rapidly to changes which he must meet 
without any help from superiors. He does not have mental 
activity enough to attempt his own personal variation of a 
task which he has been taught to do* in a certain fashion. 
He is not apt to become insubordinate unless asked to do 
tasks entirely too difficult for his ability. He does not worry 
about the future. His lack of ability to foresee and plan for 
the future makes him less able to imagine vividly the dangers 
confronting him to-morrow or next week. He is, conse- 
quently, less apt to be a prey to fear. He is content with 
simple amusements. He likes having a little money to spend, 
a good meal, a few hours oflF duty. He is satisfied with a 
minimum amount of comforts. He will do the thing he has 
been trained to do with stupid persistence in the face of 
certain death. All of these attributes seem to indicate a pos- 
sibility of using the moron in the emergency we face to-day. 

A present tendency is to eliminate all mental defectives, the 
moron included, from actual war service. This seems irra- 
tional from several standpoints. 

We do not know that the mental defective will not make a 


good soldier. His very stupidity makes him easily led with 
the group of which he is a part and there is mudi work to 
be done where numbers are as important a factor as any other. 
The defective probably could never be made a first-line man 
where the intricacies of modem warfare demand so much and 
such varied intelligence. He surely would do well in a "shock" 
regiment, however, and he could do a tremendous amount of 
drudgery in the camp behind the firing line. For such places 
as these every moron eliminated means the waste of a normal 

But there is a far wider significance than this. The normal 
man goes to war, the man of low intelligence is left at home. 
The next generation bears the loss of the former plus the 
burden of the latter and his children. Not that defectives 
should be indiscriminately mixed with other men. They 
should be known through careful examination and then segre- 
gated. Even if not sent abroad as a whole they might be 
made most eflFective under governmental direction in this 

The detection of morons, except perhaps the lowest ten 
per cent, will be by no means easy. No one criterion justifies 
a man's elimination unless he be markedly abnormal, and the 
moron is not markedly inferior in any way. A mental test 
alone may be theoretically correct as a means of eliminating 
the unfit, but we so far have no proof that there is a high 
correlation between ability on mental tests and ability as a 
man of war. 

The final decision as to the use of the moron, whatever it 
may be, will affect the present far less than it will future 
generaticMis. All issues in the struggle for the survival of the 
fittest will have to be fought anew under the handicaps the 
present war has forged. Whether we can handle the problem 
of the moron wisely and yet not throw further burdens on 
future generations remains to be seen. 


Russell L. Gould, Caraegie Institute of Technology, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Socially as well as in business the ability to remember the 
names and faces of people previously met is very desirable 
and is sometimes absolutely necessary. The growth of prac- 
tically every sales organization depends largely on repeated 
orders from customers who have become attached to the house 
through the personality of a salesman. A salesman cannot 
make a good impression without being able to call his cus- 
tomer by name, and while in making routine calls he may 
use a memorandum to refresh his memory on any customer 
whom he is about to see, such a preliminary opportunity for 
"coaching" is not always afforded. The customer may be 
met unexpectedly on a train or on the street, and an immediate 
introduction to a third person would require that the name 
be recalled at once. 

No further argument is necessary to emphasize the impor- 
tance of the matter and this report will present an attempt 
which has been made to find a means for discovering the 
existence of the ability in question. 

The test proper consists of 100 men's pictures, approxi- 
mately two inches square, clipped from a college annual, and 
pasted in rows on a large sheet of paper. The pictures are 
numbered consecutively from 1 to 100. Duplicates of 20 of 
these pictures are pasted on a card of smaller size. Under 
each of these 20 pictures is tjrped one of twenty common 
names. No first names are used, nor are any pictures of 
women used. The subject is instructed as follows: 

"You will be shown the pictures of 20 men for five min- 
utes. Each man's name is under his picture. At the end of 
five minutes you will be shown the pictures of 100 men, among 
which are scattered the 20 which you saw just previously. 
You will be asked to recognize those 20 and to name as many 
of them as possible." 

There is no time limit for the recognition of the faces and 
the recall of the names, and the subject is allowed to go over 
the pictures more than once. If a face is named differently 
at one time than at another, no comment is made and the 
last declaration is recorded. The subject is informed as to 
the number recognized and named, without regard to the 
number of errors. 

322 GOULD 

In scoring, 5 points are allowed for each face correctly 
named and 1 point for each face correctly recognized and 
not named. This gives a possible maximum of 100 points. 
One point is deducted for each false recognition. In further 
work 20 recognitions will be allowed without penalty for 
errors. On the original basis the scores for 72 subjects varied 
between 10 and 92. 

The first question is in regard to the reliability of the test, 
and to measure that it was repeated on 33 subjects after an 
interval of not less than one week. The subjects were psychol- 
ogists and college students. In the second trial a different selec- 
tion of 20 pictures was used, and with names different from 
the original. The Pearson correlation between the scores in 
the two trials was .78. In the second trial there was occa- 
sional evidence of greater confidence and other slight adapta- 
tion to the work so that the median rose from 37 in the nrst 
trial to 43 in the second. On the whole however, the per- 
formances were quite consistent with each other. 

Compared to the work of some other experimenters, the 
relation between recognition and recall is here quite high, 
the Pearson coefficient for 50 cases between recognition and 
recall of names being .61. There is here of course a high 
degree of association between the two. 

The next step is to discover what relation, if any, ability 
in the test bears to ability in actual life. Before each subject 
was tested he was asked to state his conception of his own 
ability to remember people whom he met. In three cases of 
exceptionally high known ability and in one case of excep- 
tionally low ability, there was perfect agreement with the 
test. In most of the other cases modesty, or over-confidence 
in the natural manner of expression, or ignorance due to 
lack of attention to the matter reduced each statement to a 
level, which as an indication of ability was without signifi- 
cance. In about 90% of the cases the answer was : " I'm 
not very good at remembering people's names ; I can remember 
their faces much better." 

To get a measure of ability in actual practice ten members 
of the psychology department of the Carnegie Institute of 
Technology who had taken the test were introduced under 
experimental conditions to seventeen students who were 
strangers to them. The attempt was made to have condi- 
tions as. nearly as possible duplicate an actual situation, — as 
for instance a reception. The strangers (students) were 
given arbitrary names, selected for frequency in ordinary life. 
The ten psychologists stood in line. A stranger was intro- 
duced to the person at the head of the line, and they engaged 


in the ordinary form of pleasant conversation. At the end 
of one minute psychologist number 1 introduced the man 
talking to him to psychologist number 2, and then the second 
stranger was presented to number 1. This was continued at 
one minute intervals until all the students had been introduced. 
As soon as a student completed his one minute with the last 
psychologist he passed out of sight into an adjoining room. 
When all the students had been tfirough this process a visible 
number was pinned on the coat of each, the psychologists 
provided with paper, and the two groups thrown together. 
The psychologists re-engaged the students in light conversa- 
tion and endeavored to recall the names and enter them, 
numbered, on the paper which they carried. A very cordial 
spirit of experimental honesty naturally was maintained by 
the psychologists. As much cannot be said for the students 
who were asked to go through the corresponding performance 
of recalling the names of the psychologists. In view of the 
fact that they failed to observe the proper spirit their records 
were discarded.. The records of the psydiologists arc as 
follows : 

Rank in Test Rank 


Ist trial 2nd trial Combined People 

A 13 1 1.5 

B 2 2 2 1.5 

C 3 4 3 3 

D 4 8 6 6 

E 5 5 5 9 

F 6 14 7 

G 7 7 7 4 

H 8 9 9 8 

1 9 6 8 5 

J 10 10 10 10 

There is of course a very considerable difference between 
associating names with pictures, and meeting a ntunber of 
strangers and keeping their names in mind. The social factor 
in the latter case is very prominent and if a person is so con- 
stituted that the temporary balance of the mental factors 
involved is slightly disturbed thereby, then his memory for 
names will be comparatively much less effective than his 
memory under different circumstances. Such a change is 
noticed in subjects E and F, who drop from ranks 5 and 4 
with the pictures to 9 and 7 with the people. Personal ac- 
quaintance with the subjects gives the explanation suggested 
above, as it does also the rise in rank of subjects G and I. 
G and I might be considered rather social than studious, while 
E and F are just the opposite. 

The agreement between the test rank and the rank with 

324 GOULD 

people is comparatively close, especially with the extremes. 
In fact it is almost too close. It is not sufficiently clear that 
the situation with the seventeen strange students gave a posi- 
tive indication of the abilities of the psychologists, although 
their rank positions were approximately as each had antici- 
pated. Further tests of the same kind are highly desirable. 

A second method, and the ultimate one, for checking the 
test if it is to be used for selecting men for business positions, 
is to give it to people who have well recognized ability for 
remembering names and faces, and whose positions actually 
require it, — such as hotel clerks, office window tellers, etc. A 
very important difficulty of the test became apparent when 
it was given to a number of such people. Brief, intense study 
of something unusual, such as the test required, is absolutely 
foreign to their habits. They had all been out of school for 
a considerable number of years and were rather lost for a 
method of procedure. Artificial associations were not easily 
formed. In the ordinary cotirse of their work most of the 
people with whom they deal are conspicuous for some par- 
ticular phase of their business. There are a number of helps 
for placing each man. This suggested that in the twenty 
stimulus pictures of the test it is not enough to have simply 
the men's last names. Accordingly, without changing the 
requirements above recalling the last name only, each picture 
has been given a full name, the man's occupation and place 
of business, and the town in which he lives, as: 

Fred W. Hamilton, reporter, Evening Sun, Buffalo, N. Y. 
This method has not been tried out sufficiently to show what 
the results will be. 

To use the test exclusively on prospective insurance sales- 
men it has been suggested to insert the kind of data that is 
most important for an agent to know when he meets a prospect ; 
such things as age, marital condition and dependents, and 
occupation. A similar practice could be followed with other 
specialized groups. 

A change in the technique has been adopted tentatively to 
relieve the recall of the names from dependence on previous 
recognition of the faces. After the twenty pictures are shown 
with the names, etc., the same twenty pictures only are pre- 
sented, but in different arrangement, each numbered. This 
gives a score for the recall of names. Then for the recogni- 
tion of faces those same twenty are to be identified, without 
naming, in a group of 100. For the present at least further 
study should be made on recognition at the same time as the 
work on recall, although later the recognition may be dropped 
in order to simplify the test. 


By Rudolf Pintner and Herbebt A. Toops, Ohio State University 

Part I 

The question of unemployment is one of our most serious 
economic and social questions. It affects not only the men that 
are out of employment, but indirectly society at large. Up to 
the present time, however, it has been treated almost entirely 
as an economic or social problem, and the psychological charac- 
teristics of the men who are unemployed have t^en scarcely 
dwelt upon. 

The history of unemployment shows the earlier economists 
treating the problem with no regard to the variability of the 
human factor in the situation. Gradually some realization of 
the significance of this factor is forced upon them, but mainly 
from the standpoint of the efficiency of the individual, and the 
efficiency of the individual is even then looked upon as almost, 
if not entirely, dependent upon the education or the opportunity 
for progress that he may have. Only recently have the psy- 
chologists emphasized the importance of the mental make-up 
of the individual in reference to his fitness or unfitness for a 
place in the industrial system. As Miinsterberg^ says, "The 
individual needs the place for which his mental dispositions 
make him fit, and the work demands the individual whose 
abilities secure his success." Alongside of these endeavors on 
the part of vocational psychology to find the right man for 
the right place, there is evident a growing realisation of the 
importance of the general intelligence of the individual. This 
point of view is well represented in the words of HoUing- 
worth;* "The first definite contribution of vocational psy- 
chology is thus not so much toward the guidance of the indi- 
vidual worker as for the guidance of the employer who may 
be required to select from a number of applicants those whose 
general intellectual equipment is most adequate. But we shall 
later have occasion to point out a further contribution which 
this makes possible, in so far as it may enable us to classify 
the operations involved in various types of work and to align 

1 Mtinsterberg, H. Psychology, General and Applied, 1914. p. 415. 
• Hollingworth, H. L Vocational Psychology. 1916. p. 79. 


these operations and tasks along the general intelligence scale/* 
The intelligence of the individual is not the only factor in the 
complex problem of unemplo3mient, but it is one of the impor- 
tant factors, and it is with Uiis factor alone that the present 
investigation deals. 

Columbus, Ohio, Free Employment Office 

The industrial conditions in G)lumbus during the time of 
this investigation, October 10th, 1916— March 10th, 1917, were 
good, in fact, no competent man willing to work had need to re- 
main long out of emplojrment. Owing to the war living expenses 
were steadily rising which had the effect of making it more 
necessary than in past years that each man strive to remain 
in steady employment if he were to secure the common neces- 
sities of life. The winter was not particularly severe, and 
this allowed much construction and street work to be done 
during the winter months. During this same winter there was 
an unprecedented influx of negroes from the South who were 
attracted by the high wages prevailing in the North. It became 
the duty of the emplo)rment office to place most of these colored 
men in positions. Nearly all were, of course, common laborers ; 
a few were house servants, while a still smaller number were 
skilled workers of some sort Considering the applicants as a 
whole, we believe that this period of investigation may be 
considered fairly representative of the normal class of appli- 
cants with whidi the office has to deal. 

Inasmuch as no published report of any similar investigation 
had appeared, the methods to be used had to be devised, and 
even the purpose of the investigation had to be modified as the 
results of experimentation showed to be necessary, in order 
to adapt it to the ordinary routine of the ofKce procedure and 
the limitations and characteristics of the men themselves. 
Three main lines of invesigation gradually emerged: (1) to 
determine the mentality of the applicants as a group; (2) to 
determine the mentality of the four industrisd classes into 
which the group could be readily divided; and (3) to deter- 
mine the relation of mentality to industrial, social, or educa- 
tional factors. It thus became necessary first of all to collect, 
in the brief time allotted, as many industrial, social and educa- 
tional facts as possible concerning each man, and then to 
determine his mentality. 

The men selected for examination were chosen so as to be, as 
far as possible, representative of the whole group of applicants. 
This was necessary since it was impossible to test more than 
three to five per cent of the applicants applying during the 


time of the investigation. In order to test r^resentative cases, 
samples from the various classes in the ratio of the ntmibers 
in these classes were tested. The group was divided into three 
simple groups, native-bom whites, colored, and foreigners. 
In order to determine the relative proportions of these three 
groups, a tabulation from the registration cards in the 
office was made of all new applicants r^stering during the 
period of May 27, 1916 to November 27, 1916, which also 
showed the number of cases in each of these three classes by 
2Lgt groups for a period of six months. Of the 3927 registra- 
tions during this period 10.4 per cent or 408 registrations were 
not included due to lack of information about Siem. The dis- 
tribution of the 3519 remaining cases shows that the propor- 
tions of the three classes are roughly as follows : 1 foreigner : 
5 colored: 11 native whites. The ratio of our samples, then, 
should be in about this proportion. However, since the for- 
eigners formed only 5.7 per cent of the total and were disribu- 
ted among at least thirty different nationalities and, moreover, 
were handicapped by difficulties with the English language, 
it was decided, after testing a few of them, to disregard 3ie 
group entirely. Their exclusion would have little or no effect 
on the total results and their inclusion would lead to many 
difficulties in mental testing which it is well to avoid. The 
foreigner does not constitute an industrial problem as far as 
this emplo3rment office is concerned. 

Table I shows the percentage of white and colored men in 
each age group. This table will be used later in deciding 


Percentage op Whites and Colored by Age Groups. Mat- 

Nov., 1916. CcH^UMBUS, Ohio, Free Employment Ofpicb 


Age Native whites Colored 

Under 20 12.3 8.3 

20-29 43.0 61.9 

30-39 23.2 21.1 

4049 13.5 6.6 

50« 5.4 1.7 

€0-69 2.2 0.4 

70-79 0.1 0.0 

80« 0.1 0.0 

Total 99.8 100.0 

whether or not the men selected for the tests are representa- 
tive of all applicants as to age. Another tabulation of the 


grade at which all applicants left school when compared with 
the report of the selected applicants will give us another check 
on the reliability of our selection. Again, one should examine 
as large a group as possible in order to get an accurate distri- 
bution. And finally, one may decide whether or not enough 
cases have been examined by re-calculating the median each 
time a new group of cases has been added. If a point is reached 
where the median is not changed by the inclusion of additional 
data, then in all probability the ntmiber of cases is sufficient 
The cases for examination, then, were chosen at random 
roughly in the proportion of five negroes for every eleven 
native-bom whites and without consideration of age, education, 
and other characteristics. We mav reasonably expect these 
to distribute themselves normally it we take our cases in the 
proportions given above. 

Each man selected for examination was first questioned 
as fully as the time and his willingness to cooperate would 
allow in regard to himself, his work, past career and future 
hopes. An outline form was used in order to secure uniform 
information in regard to all men tested. The outline was not 
strictly adhered to, but used mainly as a means for securing 
definiteness and uniformity in the questioning. The data re- 
garding name, registration niunber, age, color, birthplace, mari- 
tal condition, grade at leaving school, occupation and best job 
were secured for practically every person examined. In addi- 
tion, the industrial class to which each man was assigned, was 
decided by reference to his account of his past career and by 
conference with the superintendent of the office. In the same 
way any other information given by the persons examined 
was checked up and augmented, wherever possible, by confer- 
ence with the superintendent or clerks in the office. The data 
collected are, we believe, for the most part accurate, as the 
examiner tried to have the subject fully understand that mis- 
leading or untrue statements would not be to his advantage in 
any way. Arguments similar to the following were frequently 
used to secure this result : "I have asked you to come in here in 
order that I may find out more about you. The office wants to 
know more about the men who apply for work. These ques- 
tions may never do you any good at all, but sometime they 
may aid the young fellows who are just starting out to work. 
So if you are willing to help some other fellow who will want a 
job at some future time I shall be glad to get the facts con- 
cerning you and your work." Only two men refused to take 
the tests, and only one refused to complete the tests after 
beginning them. 


The selection of tests to be used was dependent upon several 
considerations : 

(1) They should not take much time to give. From half to 
three-quarters of an hour was as long as could be given to the 
test, induding the preliminary questions. 

(2) They should be tests which the men would regard as 
appropriate. Since the applicants were all adult men thev 
were apt to resent being subjected to some of the childish 
tests of the Yerkes or Binet Scales. A test should thus be one 
which shows "how quickly you are able to do this." The tests 
should suggest nothing in the way of a mental examination, as 
these persons are very suspicious of anything of this sort. 
They do not see any distinction between a mental and a psy- 
chiatrical examination. 

(3) The tests should each be short enough and have enough 
intrinsic interest so that the subject will keep his attention 
upon the work until the end of the examination. The men were 
not paid, so that this incentive to continued interest was lack- 
ing. This ability to keep his attention upon a task, often quite 
difficult, through motives other than those likely to result in 
monetary gain to himself, is in itself a good test of the individ- 
ual's industrial worth. 

After preliminary experimentation six tests were selected as 
best fulfilling these three requirements : the Cancellation Test, 
the Easy Directions Test — B, the Hard Directions Test, the 
Digit-Symbol Test, the Opposites Test, and the Cube Test. 

The Cancellation Test is the A cancellation test.* The direc- 
tions were simple: "I want to see how fast you can work. 
Take your pencil and see how many A's you can mark out, like 
this (illustrating the motion for the first two or three A's). 
Ready, go." The subject was allowed to work for one minute. 

The Easy Directions Test* was ordinarily given next. The 
directions were: "Fill this blank out according to directions. 
Do exactly what each line tells you to do. I want to see if 
you can fill out the blank correctly. Take all the time you want 
and try to fill it out correctly." The test was thus given 
without a time limit. If the subject made a creditable per- 
formance on this, showing ability to read as well as to under- 
stand, he was handed the next test. 

The Hard Directions Test* was begun by telling the subject 
to "do exactly with this as you did with the other. Fill it out 

» Whipple, G. M. Manual of Mental and Physical Tests, p. 307. 
*Woodworth, R. S. and WcUs, F. L. Association Tests. Psychol. 
Monog, No. 57. 191 1. 
ft Woodworth and Wells, op, cit. 


according to directions/' If the subject showed by these tests 
inability to read, he was generally tested by the Yerkes-Bridges 
Scale. ' 

In the Digit-Symbol Test five minutes were allowed. The 
subject was made to understand the procedure before begin- 
ning the test by being allowed to fill in several sample lines. 
This test after experimentation was adopted in preference to 
the Symbol-Digit Test. 

In the Easy Opposites Test one minute was allowed. The 
procedure was illustrated by the words "long, soft, up" and 
others if necessary. The subjects were told to "write as fast 
as you can, and if you come to a word whose opposite you can- 
not think of, let it go till the last so as to be able to get as 
many words as you can in one minute." 

The Cube Test was given in the manner standarized by Pint- 
ner.* It was found that there was great variability in the 
performance of this test so that the subject was credited with 
the highest mental age to which his performance would entitle 
him on whichever of the two methods of calculating would 
give the higher mental age. 

The directions and explanations were made as simple as 
possible. The test conditions were more favorable to our 
subjects than to the school children, whose norms are used 
to evaluate the results, since the children did not have the 
benefit of individual explanation or preliminary practice in any 

All blanks were scored by the standard method of scoring. 
The score in the Cancellation Test was the number of A's 
cancelled in one minute; in the Easy and Hard Directions 
Tests the number of directions correctly filled out according 
to the method standardized by Pintner and Toops:^ the score 
on the Digit-Symbol test was the number of squares correctly 
filled out per minute, and for the Easy Opposites, the number 
of correct opposites written. 

The several scores of each man were then turned into mental 
ages by comparison of the scores with the norms for school 
diildren obtained by Pintner.® The scores were turned into 
mental ages rather than percentiles, because of the lack of ade- 
quate adult norms. Percentiles would undoubtedly be better 
if adequate norms were available. The median of the several 

« Pintner, R. The Standardization of Knox's Cube Test Psychol 
Rev,, Vol. XXII. 1915. pp. 377-401. 

^ Pintner, R. and Toops, H. A. A Revised Directions Test /. of 
Ed, Psych, To appear shortly. 

» Pintner, R. The Mental Survey. To appear shortly. 


mental ages gives a mental index for the individual. These 
results were recorded on a card as shown here : 


John Doe 

52 W. 



M. A. 




E. Dir. . 



H. Dir. 













Median 7.9 

This is to be interpreted as follows: John Doe, whose 
registration number is 1827, is 52 years old, native-bom white 
and belongs to the " unemployable industrial class. He made 
a score of 23 on the Cancellation Test which credits him with 
a mental age of 7.0; on the Easy Directions Test he made a 
score of 12 which is approximately midway between the norms 
for 8 and 9 year old children, thus giving him a mental age of 
8.5 on this test. The other tests are evaluated in like manner. 
The median mental age for the five tests is 7.9, which is the 
mental index for this individual. The median of the mental 
indices of any class gives the mental index for the class. 

Results of the Tests 

There were 94 men tested, classified according to color and 
nativity as follows : 50 native-bom whites, 36 colored, and 8 
foreigners. Six were tested on both the Yerkes and the other 
tests. Three were tested on the Yerkes Scale alone. Ninetv- 
one were tested on the other tests alone. Not all of the 91 
were tested on all the six tests. The number of tests used 
in testing any one individual depended upon individual circum- 
stances. This, of course, makes some of the mental indices 
more reliable than others, since the greater number of tests 
used, the greater the likelihood of the index being the tme 
index of the individual's ability. 

In order to test the reliability of our sampling, the mental 
indices for the whites, colored, foreigners, and total were cal- 
culated after the 60th, 74th, and 91st cases respectively. These 
median mental ages are as follows : 


















The very slight changes caused by the cases added to the 
^ original group suggests that the sampling is fairly representa- 
tive of the group as a whole and is not likely to be materially 
changed by the inclusion of more cases. 


Distribution, in Numbers and Per Cent, of Mental Ages 

OF Whites and Colored, by Mental Age-Groups 

Number Per cent 

MA. White Colored Total White Cdored Total 

6 2 i 3 TOS 2^ 3.61 

7 I 1 2 2.04 2.94 2.41 

8 10 12 22 20.41 35.29 26.51 

9 7 4 11 14.28 11.76 13.25 

10 8 5 13 16.33 14.71 15.67 

11 7 2 9 14.28 5.88 10.84 

12 6 6 12 12.25 17.65 14.46 

13 1 2 3 2.04 5.88 3.61 

14 1 1 2.04 1.20 


16 2 1 3 4.08 2.94 3.61 

16+ 4 .. 4 8.16 4.82 

Total 49 34 83 99.99 100.00 99.99 

Table II shows the mental ages arranged into mental-age 
groups. In making up this table fractions are disregarded; 
thus M. A. 10 will include all cases having a mental age from 
10.0 to 10.9 inclusive. This table includes only native-whites 
and colored who were tested by the group tests alone. 

The distribution in the two classes, native-whites and colored, 
would seem to indicate that each class is possibly made up of 
three fairly distinct grades of mentality, a relatively poor 
group, an average grouiJ and a relatively good group. The 
colored seem to have a smaller percentage in each of the higher 
groups than the whites and a larger percentage in the lowest 
group. Data in regard to the industrial classes to which the 
men belong would seem to corroborate this belief in three 
grades of mentality, although this is not so apparent in the 
case of the colored as in the case of the whites, the explanation 


being that, on account of his race, a negro rarely ever rises to a 
position above that of a laborer. 


Results of the tests given to individuals who have also been 
tested on the Yerkes Point-Scale seem to indicate that the 
selected tests yield lower mental ages than the Yerkes Scale. 
The dividing lines between feebleminded and backward, back- 
ward and normal, etc., should therefore probably be lower than 
in the case of the Point-Scale. The division lines for these tests 
arbitrarily adopted by us* are as follows: 

Mental Age 
Feebleminded — — 8.9 

Borderline 9.0 — 10.9 

Backward .. 11.0 — 12.9 

Normal 13.0 — 16.0 

Bright 16.0 — -f 

All those cases that had been tested on the Point-Scale were 
diagnosed on the basis of that scale as the more reliable meas- 
ure of their mentality. There were nine of these cases,leaving 
85 who were tested only on the other tests. These nine cases 
were diagnosed as a result of a consideration of both the C. 
M. A. and the Three Per Cent Hypothesis.** The 85 remaining 
cases were diagnosed on the basis of the division lines given 
above. All 94 cases were then combined, using that diagnosis 
in each individual case which was best, i.e., based on the Point- 
Scale wherever that was used. The diagnosis of our entire 
group is shown in Table III. 


Diagnosis of the Entire Group bt the Best Mental 

Age Obtainable 

Number Per Cent 

Diagnods Total White Col'd For'n Total White Col'd Fot'n 

F.M. ""27 12 14 i 28.7 24.0 38^9 12.5 

Border line. 28 15 11 2 29.8 30.0 30.6 25.0 

Backward.. 27 15 8 4 28.7 30.0 22.2 50.0 

Normal 8 4 3 1 8.5 ».0 8.3 12.5 

Bright 4 4 .. .. 4.3 C8tf 

Total 94 50 36 8 100.0 100.0 100.0 100 .o" 

• Pintncr, R. and Toops, H. A. A Mental Survey of a Workhouse 
/. of Delinquency, Vol. 2, No. 5, 1917, pp. 278-287. 

*• Pintncr, R. and Paterson, D. G. A Psychological Basis for the 
Diagnosis of Feeblemindedness. /. of Criminal Law and Criminology, 
Vol. VII, 1916, pp. 32-55. 



The percentage distribution of these cases by color and nativ- 
ity groups as well as the total distribution are shown in Graph 
I. We note the greater proportion of feeblemindedness among 
the colored than among the white. The colored have no repre- 
sentative in the bright group. 

Graph I. Percentage Distribution op Cases According to 
Mentalitt Groups. Columbus, O. 

Ttrmt rmtAfJ^^fiy»*t 

Mentality and Industrial Class 

The relation of mentality to the industrial class to which 
an individual belongs was studied. This part of the investi- 
gation throws much light upon the question : what sort of an 
industrial career may we expect of individuals with diflferent 
degrees of mentality under conditions prevailing at present ? 

Our 94 cases may be divided into four industrial classes 
which are fairly distinct and well defined. The basis for the 
classification is the length of time an individual is habitually 
employed. The classification is thus an arbitrary one and the 
data for determining to which class an individual belonged had 
to be collected by questioning the applicant, confirmed in many 
cases by the judgment of the superintendent of the office. The 
four classes with a definition of each are as follows : 

(1) The Unemployed: men who habitually work on per- 
manent or steady jobs but who, for the time being, happen to 
be out of work. 

(2) Casuals: men who habitually work only long enough 
to get sufficient money to tide them over until it again becomes 



necessary to work in order to maintain a mere existence. 
Hoboes, vagabonds, and others are included in this class. 

(3) Odd Jobs: men who work fairly steadily upon short 
time jobs. Day work is the most common occupation of this 

(4) Unemployables : men who are on the lowest verge of 
the margin of industry, men who never get a job tmless 
there is great demand and unless there are no better men 
willing to take their places. Many of this class depend mostly 
or wholly upon charity for their support. 

The first four lines of Table IV show the distribution of our 


DisTRiBimoN OF Cases by Color and NAnvrrr, and bt 


Total Unem- Odd Unem- 

number ployed Casual jobs ployable 

White 50 32 6 7 5 

Colored 36 30 1 4 1 

Foreign 8 6 1 1 

Total 94 68 8 12 6 

Med.MJV 10.55 10^9 10^0 9^0 8^ 

Range of M.A'8. 6.0-16+ 8.2-16+ 8.0-13.9 8.0-16+ 6.0-10.0 

Feeble-minded . . 27 15 2 6 4 

Borderline 28 20 3 3 2 

Backward 27 24 1 2 

Normal 8 6 2 

Bright 4 3 1 

94 cases by industrial groups and by color and nativity. This 
distribution should be regarded as suggestive rather than fully 
indicative of actual conditions. It is undoubtedly true that 
individuals are misplaced in this classification, some too high 
and some too low. The large number of colored unemployed 
is due to the fact that colored men have not as many different 
jobs open to them as the whites, and consequently it is rather 
the normal thing often to work at jobs which, in the case of 
the whites, would be classified as odd jobs. We should expect 
the total group to be divided proportionately as it is; the 
largest number falling into the unemployed group, followed 
by the odd jobs men, who most nearly resemble the first class, 
at least from the view of desirability as employees. The 
casuals are unreliable, owing to their temperamental difficul- 
ties, they easily get jobs which they soon leave, as a rule to 
go to some other job or some other city, often even at a lower 
wage than in the previous position. 



The median mental age and range of mental age of the cases 
is shown in the next two lines of the table. Graph II shows 
pictorially the relation of mental age to industrial class. For 
purposes of contrast a group of four professional men, tested 
with the same tests, is also shown. 

Graph II. Median Mental Age op the Four Industrial 
Classes. Columbus, O. 

Unemphfjhk Odd Jots Casual Unemfohfred Pt^essfona/ 

The last five lines of the table give the mental diagnosis 
of these 94 cases by industrial class. The results show that 
no one mental level is monopolized by any industrial class. 
The unemployed have representatives in every group, although 
this class has distinctly more individuals in the higher mental- 
ity groups than any other industrial class. As we shall later 
point out, even feeblemindedness is not necessarily inconsis- 
tent with steadiness and reliability in work. The casuals 
rank next to the unemployed, and .we have already noted that 
temperamental difficulty rather than feeblemindedness is re- 
sponsible for their position in the industrial world. Perhaps 


the mental backwardness of this class allows the bad tempera- 
mental make-up a more fertile field for bad symptoms to ap- 
pear than in the case of persons of normal mentality similarly 
afflicted, who have inhibitions against the conduct so character- 
istic of the casual worker. The groups of odd job and un- 
employable men seem to be characterized by low grades of 
mentality. That other factors frequently enter is shown by the 
one case of a bright man, who on account of bad health belongs 
to the odd job class. In the case of the unemployables physical 
handicaps and bad health are common. These may be to some 
extent a logical result of mental defect in that these individuals 
have not enough good common sense to avoid accident or to 
take proper care of their health. 

Mentality and Age 

The distribution of mental ages by chronological age groups 
is shown in Table V. There is here no marked relation of age 

Median Mental Age by Chronological Age Groups 

Age class No. of cases Median mental age 

Unda^20 10 10^3 

20-29 35 10.7 

30-39 26 10.75 

40-49 10 9.35 

50-59 8 8.8 

60 and over 3 8.9 

Total 92 

to mentality. The general decrease with age might suggest that 
the older applicants are men, who by reason of mental defect, 
coupled with physical infirmity, are no longer able to cope ade- 
quately with their economic environment. Another possible 
explanation is that these men, by reason of their mental and 
physical handicaps, have not been able to amass the means 
necessary to provide for old age. Consequently they are left in 
the daily struggle for bread at an age when many of their more 
fortunately endowed brothers are thinking of retiring from the 
industrial world and living comfortably on the wealth amassed 
during their more capable days. 


Out of 43 native whites, for whom we have data, only 24 
were bom in Ohio ; and out of 35 colored only 3 were bom in 



Ohio. The figures in the case of the native whites indicate 
the tendency of this class of people to move from place to 
place. Many were failures from the very start of their indus- 
trial career and have since moved about from place to place 
with the hope that some day they would find the end of the 
industrial rainbow with its "pot of gold" in the shape of a 
good job at big pay with little and easy work. This generally 
turns out to be merely a vision, for the individual can never 
escape from the defects of his mental handicap no matter 
where he may go. 


The occupations of 92 men were as follows : Labor 30 ; Day- 
work 14; Shopwork 7; Porter 6; Janitor 4; Carpenter 3; 
Miscellaneous 28. We note that labor, daywork and trades 
requiring only* a limited amount of intelligence are the occu- 
pations of most of our men. 

Best Position 

The best job ever held for at least two weeks has been re- 
ported in 83 cases. This report, of course, was made by each 
man with no possibility of determining the reliability of the 
reports, which in some cases are doubtlessly exaggerated. 
We note, however, that few of the men examined Imve ever 
held positions of responsibility where a high degree of intelli- 
gence would seem to be essential. The median best weekly 
wage of 49 native whites was $22.50; the lowest best weekly 
W2^ any one individual had ever received in his life was 
$9.00, the highest $50.00. This latter statement was made by a 
man, a roller in a rolling mill, who tested feebleminded, and is 
doubtless unreliable, or, if true, at least very exceptional. The 
median best weekly wage of 34 colored men was $15, the 
lowest reported being $4.25 per week, and the highest $30. 


Of 50 native whites, 16 or 32 per cent had, at the time of 
the investigation^ lived in Coltmibus less than one year; seven 
others had-not lived in Columbus over 5 years. The median 
length of residence was 9.0 years. This shows that the office 
serves a considerable portion of native whites who make their 
home in Coltunbus. In the case of the 35 colored, 24 or 65.7 

Gr cent had been in Columbus less than one year. Only six 
d been in Columbus over five years and none over fifteen 
years. The median length of residence was four mon&s, thus 
mdicating diat the colored s^plicants were largely recent at- 


rivals in the city. One might easily imagine this influx of 
unskilled Southern negroes to be of lower intelligence than the 
Northern-bom negroes, although we have no data to throw 
light upon this point 


Table VI shows the distribution of 91 cases by the grade at 
leaving school. In most cases this "grade at leaving school" 
was the last grade completed in school. In some cases, how- 
ever, the report is based upon the number of years the indi- 
vidual attended school; in still other cases the individual said 
he "guessed he must have quit" in such and such a grade. 


Number and Per Gent op 91 Cases Leaving Schocx. at the 
Specified Grade 

Grade at leaving school No. of cases Per cent 

Noschod 7 7.7 

1 1 1.1 

2 5 5.5 

3 8 8.8 

4 7 7.7 

5 8 8.8 

6 17 18.7 

7 9 9.9 

8 17 18.7 

IH.S 4 4.4 

IIH.S 3 3.3 

IIIH.S 1 1.1 

IVH.S 4 4.4 

Total 91 100.1 

Median grade at leaving 

Whites 49 7.3 

Colored 35 4.7 

Foreign 7 6.0 

Total 91 6.6 

There were £our colored smd three forei^riv mptn who had 
never been to school. Of the group 39.6 per cent had not 
passed beyond the fifth grade in school. Twelve persons had 
entered high school, but of these only four had completed the 
high school course. Not one had even entered college. 

These facts are shown pictorially in Graph III. The facts 
of especial note are the sudden rise in percentage at the sixth 
grade, the drop at die seventh, and the rise again at the eig^tfi 



Graph III. Percentage of the Group Leaving School at Each 
Specified Grade. C(h.umbus» O. 

'Crmde mt Itmrtno ^ch^ot. 

grade. This diagram strongly suggests that the piling up 
at the sixth grade is due to a class of mentally defective per- 
sons who are not able to progress further in school. Concern- 
ing this point Woolley^^ says: "Two-thirds of the children 
leaving our public schools are the failures, and like the rest 
of humanity, they are tired of doing the things in which they 

The distribution of 91 men by school grade and by mental 
age is shown in Table VII. The fractions of years of mental 
age are disregarded. The heavy black line indicates the grade 
which the average child of chronological age equivalent to the 
mental age indicated would ordinarily have completed; thus 
an average child of chronological age 7 would have completed 
the first grade. From the table it is evident that most of the 
men, according to their own statements, have progressed fur- 
ther in school than their mentality, revealed by the tests, would 
warrant. We might seek an explanation in several directions : 

iiWoolley, H. T. Facts about the Working Children of Cincinnati 
and their Bearing upon Educational Problems. Elem. School Teacher, 
Vol. XIV, 1913, p. 13s. 




DisnuBunoN OP Cases by Grade at Leaving School and 
BY Mental Age 

Grade at 
leaving - 

Mental Age 






11 12 13 


15 16 

16+ Total 

No school 






2 1 























2 Til 




4 ll 



3 4 1 


1 2 


1 1 

















16 10 5 





1. The statements of the men as to the actual grade at which 
they left school are inaccurate. 

2. The grades, as reported, do not represent nearly so high 
an attainment in education as the corresponding grades of to- 

o. Mentally inferior persons may, in the past, have been quite 
generally pushed beyond the limit of their abilities. 

4. The mental ages revealed by the tests are too low. 

It is probably true that the explanation lies in a combination 
of the first three possibilities with a few cases in which the 
fourth possibility is a factor. The point to be here emphasized 
is the large number of poorly educated men side by side with a 
proportionately large niunber of more or less mentally deficient 
(To be continued) 


Cabl £. Skashobi, State University of Iowa 

It may be appropriate to allow the term, avocational guid- 
ance, to make its debut in the Journal of Applied Psychol- 
nfiv with fl wor4 frf jiL<4tifiratian within a sp«o^« ficW. By 
avocational guidance we understand systematic direction <i 
children and youth in the selection and organization of their 
avocational pursuits — ^those pursuits which they will follow, 
not as occupations but, as diversions and merely cultural 

The outstanding feature of vocational guidance is the de- 
mand for efKciency. This demand represents a very genuine 
need and a legitimate aim, but it does not represent the whole 
situation nor does it represent the highest stage of devdop- 
mental aim and valtie. Even the pulpit to-day has as its chief 
message the demand for efficiency. But is it not likely that 
the pulpit vocational guidance, vocational selection, and all 
other efforts of human guidance and direction will empha- 
size a higher ideal in the near future — ^that is, the ideal of 
making a better man rather than a better tool? This is the 
principle which underlies the justification of avocational guid- 
ance. It recognizes the broader aim of self-realization with 
the aim of efficiency. 

Most of the grounds on which avocational guidance in 
music can be justified are of course identical witih the argu- 
ments on which we justify vocational guidance in music. 
First of these is the fact of individual differences. Music 
is perhaps one of the most striking illustrations that we 
have of variability in talent. Differences of i to 2 in physical 
height, weight, strength, and other physical measurements 
wouTd be regarded as large. Differences of i to 5 in lan- 
^age, mathematics, history and philosophy would be large, 
but in music i to 25 or 50 or even more are not uncommon. 
Indeed, music is universally recognized as a gift bestowed 
upon different individuals in extraordinarily tmequal degree. 
We have then the problem of rating ability in so far as it 
is possible in order that those interested in a given individual 
may know just what endowment nature has furnished as a 
working basis. 


Such search for and rating of talent may, of course, be 
locked upon as a logical part of the great omservation move- 
ment in the midst of which we find ourselves. We thought 
at first of conserving our minerals, water powers, tree$, 
animal life and other material resources, but just to the extent 
that our educators are awakening to the concreteness of the 
fact of individual difference and applied psychology is making 
it possible to identify, measure, and evaluate these, we are 
beginning to realize something of the actual relative value 
of such human energy as talent in comparison with the value 
of merchandisable goods. This point of view is simply a 
Ic^cal step in the recognition of psychology as a natural 
science, dealing with mental life as observable and controllable 
phenomena in nature. 

Indeed, it is not out of place to speak of saving of life 
by such conservation, by the discovery of entirely unsuspected 
genuine talent and the encouragement thereof in such a way 
as to lead to a self-realization in a great art. Surveys of 
public schools which we have made recently show clearly 
that there is but very little correlaticm between the possession 
of musical talent and the selection of a child for a musical 
^ucation; and records of the extent of a child's musical 
education show no close relationship to the possession of 
talent. There are, of course, numerous exceptions among 
those who have a very high order of talent, but these are 
relatively few in comparison with the number of actually 
talented. On the other hand there is also a literal saving 
of life if a youth who enters upon a serious musical career 
without natural capacity is rescued from the torture of such 
a career. It is perhaps not facetious to speak of alleviating 
human suffering, both of the prospective musician and of those 
associated with him. Thus, in recognizing the possibilities 
and worth of genuine talent and the futility of trying to 
make a precious metal out of a base metal, vocational guid- 
ance may be looked upon not merely as ordinary conservation 
but, to the extent that it deals with artistic life, there is an 
actual saving of the human life. 

There is also the economic aspect which we cannot ignore. 
A statement like the following is significant. 

"The editor of one of our leading music journals, with 
much patience and persistence, and at considerable expense 
and effort, has gathered statistics, ior whose accuracy he 
vouches, which would indicate that the American people 
spend each year for musical education the sum of $220,000,- 
000, not induding the $7,500,000, which, until the war, was 


annually spent abroad by American students. . . . We 
are every year spending approximately four times as much 
for musical education as for all the public high schools of 
the country, nearly three times as much as for all our col- 
leges, universities, and professional schools, and twenty-four 
times as much as for our normal schools ; or, in other words, 
we are spending nearly $40,000,000 a year more for musical 
education in this professedly non-musical country than for 
all high school, nonnal, professional, college and tmiversity 
teaching. Of course, I realize that Mr. Freund's figures might 
shrink somewhat if subjected to the same pitiless scrutiny 
as the government reports, but even if they should shrink 
one-half, they would still overlap by nearly $25,000,000 the 
largest item in the bill for higher education in this land." 
(From the annual address of the President of the Nationai 
Music Teachers' Association, December, 191 5.) 

While we should not for a jnoment compare the economic 
values with the value of the artistic powers of the human 
personality, this economic issue is certainly large enough for 
the educator to ponder over. 

There is no reason for limiting inventories of musical 
talent to children, because musicians tell us that, in this vast 
army of music teachers, society has but little protection against 
the unfit. It is a matter which lies in the distant future, 
but it would be ireasonable to apply accurate and systematic 
tests to candidates for teaching positions in an art just as 
much as we apply them to the teaching of a science. We 
are, however, willing to let the committees on standards in 
the associations of music teachers practice first on the evalua- 
tion of talent among pupils. 

Last but of first and of xnost basic importance for the 
question at issue is the fact that musical talent is surprisingly 
concrete, that it can be analyzed and evaluated more accurately 
and more easily than any other talent. It is evident that 
" scientific " vocational guidance undoubtedly has one of its 
most promising first approaches in the field of music because 
we deal with specific talents which can be analyzed, evalu- 
ated and often measured. 1 

Turning then to arguments for avocational as distinguished 
from vocational guidance, we note, first, the fact that among 
those who pursue the art of music, only a small portion of 
individuals are going to pursue music as a profession, i.e., 
as a vocation. The search for musical talent therefore has 
much larger bearing upon the selection of avocations than 
of vocations and the pursuit of an object for the mere pleasure 


of the pursuit, as in an avocation, should be guided according 
to fitness and the ability to thoroughly enjoy the pursuit just 
as much as the pursuit of a profession. 

We must also take account of the fact that those who 
go into a professional career most seriously are often the 
persons whose natural talent is so clearly outstanding that 
there can be but little question as to their fitness ; while many 
persons who are not at all aware of their natural gifts in 
music yet could find in this art a most congenial field for 
self-expression, aside from a profession, are at present a 
dead loss to art. 

Furthermore, the throwing out of test dragnets which reveal 
the musical talent is a most effective means for encouraging 
systematically the cultivation of music as an avocation. It 
serves the purpose of awakening latent forces for the realiza- 
tion of artistic activities within the community quite apart 
from professional careers. 

Thus we may say that the field of avocational guidance is 
really very much larger than the field of vocational guidance 
in music and that it may prove an effective instrumentality 
in the selection and encouragement of art in the conmiunity. 

Lest someone shall take fright at the danger of discourag- 
ing worthy talent, let it be said emphatically that the expert 
in the psychology of musical talent looks upon his mission 
as constructive and aggressive. He looks for talent and 
not for the absence of it ; and where he finds talent he aims 
to guide it into the proper channels according to its kind 
and degree. It follows that incidentally the absence of talent 
will be discovered and occasionally it is important that such 
absence of talent should be known, but as a rule children 
have sufficient musical ability to profit by ordinary instruc- 
tion both in vocal and instrumental music, and the experi- 
menter does not consider it his mission to discourage, except 
in serious cases. 

It is also necessary to point out to the uninitiated that 
when this professional guidance of music cd|mes into general 
operation, it will be in the hands of musicians who are not 
only musicians but also technical psychologists so that they 
may proceed with all the instincts of the artistic sense of a 
musician and exercise these in the spirit of psychological 
procedure. There will then be no danger that the guidance 
will be cold or disinterested, for the guidance should wherever 
possible be constructive and sympathetic in the light of a 
genuine insight into the wonderful reach and ramifications 
of artistic powers. 


It cannot be too strongly emphasized that just as the mert 
existence of law without the .exercii>e of its force leads lo 
law-abiding life, so the mere existence of standards for the 
.analysis, measurement, and evaluation of musicsd talent will 
result in a general awakening on the part of the musical 
profession, students, and parents to the significance of these 
facts in such a way that eachj in his role will take common 
sense cognizance of them; for, after all the greatest good 
is not to come so much from the measurements of precision 
in a comparatively small number ,of cases but rather from 
the recognition of conditions now entirely overlooked but 
easily observable by well trained musicians. 

The work being done in our laboratory and studio in 
the University of Iowa at the present time takes three forms. 
During the past year a series of tests which have been stand- 
ardized were tried on under the actual school conditions in 
a number of public schools, principally, Charles City, Sioux 
City, and Red Oak, Iowa, and St. Louis, Missouri. These 
experiments convinced us of the feasibility of using a series 
of tests as a rough dragnet in the public schools, and these 
tests have now been adapted so as to constitute an integral 
part of the musical instruction in the fifth grade. The fifth 
grade is chosen because that is the earliest period at which 
Sie tests can be applied with safety as mass tests and because 
it is early enough to start the musical education of those 
who have been neglected up to that time. 

The tests are based upon the assumption that there are 
three elemental capacities of hearing necessary for music, 
namely, the sense of pitch, the sense of time, and the sense 
of intensity. These are measured separately. In addition, 
the sense of consonance, auditory memory span, and imaginal 
type are deter|mined. Each of these tests is divided into 
two half-hour exercises which may be scattered throughout 
the year. To these are added statistics about musical educa- 
tion, musical ratings by teachers, the general mental ability, 
and artistic aims and aspirations of pupils and parents. All 
the records are reduced to percental rank and interpreted in 
terms of established norms so that the records on all points 
are in the same terms, namely, rank expressed in per cent 
from o to 100. 

The first object is to find the most promising. A separate 
list is made of the best io%, and for these a definite follow-up 
process is instituted so that botli parents and pupils shall 
be reached. Nearly half of this best io% are children who 
have had very little or no muisical training. The music 


supervisor, the teacher, or the principal confers with each 
child at the end of the series about his record, special care 
being taken to encourage wherever justified and stimulate 
musical interest in proportion to apparent ability of the 
pupil. Thus, even a person who ranks 25% from the bottom 
is not discouraged from participating in ordinary singing 
and other musical exercises ; but those of average ability are 
heartily encouraged, and those of superior ability are en- 
couraged with enthusiasm. Those with a very poor record, 
if they show any interest in the subject, are re-tested to 
determine if the failure was due to misunderstanding or to 
actual lack of musical capacity. 

Another feature h^s not yet been introduced in the schools 
but has been standardized so as to be introduced for all 
children who give high promise of achievement according to 
the other tests. That is a series .of motor tests. Instead 
of testing motor capacity in music we determine the basic 
powers of action such as the speed accuracy and precision 
of voluntary movement, both in time and form, simple and 
complex reaction time, and timed-action. These are all meas- 
ured by a single instrument of precision of remarkably simple 
construction and are so grouped that it is possible to get 
a test of all these on a single graphic record in a reasonably 
short time. However, since this test must be made indi- 
vidually it cannot be jmade on large numbers whereas all 
the other tests can be made upon groups of any size up to 
two or three hundred. 

The giving of the tests has been so simplified by the de- 
velopment of apparatus and simple technique that practi- 
cally any intelligent teacher can give the tests. The remain- 
ing difficulty is, therefore, that of finding persons who are 
sufficiently well informed to interpret the findings scien- 
tifically and in the real interest of art. 

The dread of sending out an instrument of precision without 
any control of who is to use it or how it is to be used has 
made us very conservative about giving publication to these 
tests. At the present time the directions are available for 
such persons as may be qualified to use them. 

As these tests are progressively introduced into the public 
school music of the fifth grade, we shall get a survey of the 
musical talent in a community. The survey is undoubtedly 
incomplete, but it constitutes a most excellent starting point 
for the cultivation of musical interests. 

A second aspect of the work but one we have not attempted 
to push on the practical side although some progress has 


been made, is the introduction of tests of this kind into the 
conservatories of music. Here a serious difficulty is encoun- 
tered. It is not considered in accord with the ethics of the 
profession for the conservatory to send out dragnets for 
the purpose of discovering the musical talent within its con- 
stituency, and when the pupils actually arrive in the con- 
servatory it is thought by sojme that it would be a serious 
economic sacrifice to attempt to weed out the unfit. On the 
other hand, it is argued that the conservatory which would 
set high standardsii by admitting only those who have natural 
capacity and base the training upon knowledge of such capacity 
would acquire a superior standing which would more than 
compensate for such economic loss. 

The third'* feature which we are developing is that of con- 
sultation work. Children or those who have already made 
some progress in a musical career are received in the labora- 
tory-studio and are given a thorough examination for the 
purpose of rating each factor in the talent. For some it is 
a preliminary to the entering upon a musical career, for others 
a means of finding out the exact nature of the handicap which 
has been encountered in training. 

The body of our work in this pioneer field is of course 
still in the laboratory being a persistent effort to analyze 
musical talent, develop measurements, establish norms, and 
interpret the significance of findings for education and the 
art of music. The above general statement to the readers 
of this Journal may, therefore, be regarded as a report 
of progress. 


By J. E. Wallace Walun, Psycho-Educational Ginic, St. Louis 

Scores upon scores of hypotheses have been advanced from 
time to time to explain stuttering, and the methods of treat- 
ment proposed have been equally numerous. One of the recent 
theories traces the affection to transitory auditory amnesia; 
while another theory finds the cause in tmconscious emotional 
complexes, which may be revealed by the method of psycho- 
analysis (dream analysis, association tests), or in conscious 
mental conflicts, which, however, frequently originate in some 
latent complex. Special significance has been ascribed to com- 
plexes of a sexual nature and to the use of smutty or pro- 
fane words. 

According to the auditory amnesia or auditory aphasia 
theory (BluemeP) the individual stutters on certain words 
because the auditory images of those words become tempor- 
arily weakened or are inhibited so that they do not rise in con- 
sciousness, in consequence of which the affected person is 
tmable to recall the sounds of the words. Therefore, according 
to the theory, he will experience difficulty in evoking or pro- 
nouncing the words whose auditory images are weak, and this 
difficulty will assume the form of stuttering. Very few stutter- 
ers possess a good musical ear, which is also ascribed to the 
weak auditory imagery. A rush of blood to the brain when 
the person is excited in the presence of others, as well as cere- 
bral anemia, is said to lower the activity of the auditory center, 
thereby inducing auditory aphasia. The primary cause of 
stuttering is the auditory amnesia. Other causes, such as 
bewilderment, fear, autosuggestion inhibiting the will, etc., are 
all secondary. They result from the primary cause. The 
chief aim of the treatment, accordingly, is to overcome the 
primary defect, the weak auditory images. The subject must 
have strong auditory imagery, or none at all. The training 
consists in attending closely to the auditory sensations. The 
subject must think of how the words are going to sound, he 
must continually recall their sounds and let the "primary 

^We are using stuttering in the generic sense, to include stammering 
5n the 'Specific sense. 
'C. S. Bluemel. Stammering and Cognate Defects, 1913, 2 Vols. 


image" ring through the mind. The refractory images may 
also be awakened by acoustic sensations, especially the sound 
of the initial consonant. Hence the subject must begin to 
articulate the words even if the images are not evoked. The 
auditory images may also be strengthened by visual and kinaes- 
thetic associations. In fact, the aim should be to have the 
visual and motor imagery eventually supplement the auditory, 
so that the subject may be independent of the auditory amnesia 
whenever it occurs. To this end he should attempt to feel 
and visualize the articulatory movements. He should observe 
the movements and positions of the speech organs of others 
and of himself in a mirror. So much for the auditory amnesia 

According to Freud* there is found "almost invariably" in 
speech disturbances a "disturbing influence of something out- 
side of the intended speech. The disturbing element is either 
a single unconscious thought, which comes to light through the 
speech blunder, and can only be brought to consciousness 
through a searching analysis, or it is a more general psychic 
motive, which directs itself against the entire speech." In 
"the stammering and stuttering of embarrassment" also "it 
is the inner conflict that is betrayed to us through the dis- 
turbance of speech." Coriat* has made much of the Freudian 
conception. He affirms boldly that it has been demonstrated 
"that the psych(^enesis of this disorder ("stammering") is 
one of the protean forms of an anxiety-neurosis or anxiety- 
hysteria, and not merely a tic, an obsession, an auditory amnesia 
or a spastic neurosis of muscular coordination." The neurosis 
"manifests itself mentally as morbid anxiety and a conse- 
quent dread of speaking." "The individual stammers onlv 
in specific situations or in the presence of certain individuals 
and then solely as the result of definite emotional reactions." 
"For the most part, the motivating mechanism which causes 
the stammering is unknown to the sufferer. . . the only con- 
scious reaction being that of anxiety and fear." The "associa- 
tion tests" reveal a "form of morbid anxiety due to uncon- 
scious emotional complexes, because, as each complex is struck 
in the test, the typical reaction of the complex mdicator fol- 
lows." The complexes "lead either to no result at all or to a 
marked lengtfiening of the reaction time." "The fear in stam- 
merers, as in all cases of anxiety neurosis, at the beginning 

'Sigrnund Freud. Psychopathology of Everyday Life, 1914, p. da, 
113 (Brill's translation). 

^Isador H. Coriat. Stammering as a Psychoneurosis. Journal of 
Abnormal Psychology, IX, 1914-1915, p. 417!. 


of the disorder, is merely a protective mechanism to prevent 
betrayal through speech, and consequently is a protector from 
attacks of anxiety." The stammering arises as a "defense 
or compensation mechanism to keep from consciousness certain 
painful memories and undesirable thoughts, so that they may 
not be betrayed in speech." "The stammerer attempts to fortify 
his defective speech organs, because he lays upon these organs 
undue emotional stress in the effort to conceal and to prevent 
betrayal, and thus arises the conflict between defective speech 
and die situations under which defective speech is most apt 
to occur, thus developing into morbid anxiety and fear." "The 
attempt to repress from consciousness into the unconscious 
certain trends of thought or emotions, usually of a sexual 
nature (libido), is the chief mechanism of stammering." "The 
fear in stammering is a deflection of the repressed sexual im- 
pulse or wish." "The repressed thought, because of fear of 
betrayal, comes into conflict with the wish to speak and not 
to betray. Hence, the hesitation in speech arises, and as the 
repressed thoughts gradually are forced into the unconscious 
there finally develops the defective speech automatism, either 
stammering or a spastic aphasia." " An unconscious complex 
crowds or presses between the syllable and the word.' " "The 
dread of speaking to relatives or to intimate friends may be 
based upon the fear that the unconscious wishes may be dis- 
covered and this stimulates the unconscious anxiety whereas 
with strangers speech is free, because the dread of discovery 
is absent." "In the large majority of cases the child did not 
begin to stammer until it had been talking freely and nor- 
mally for several years."* " The speech defect arose in child- 
hood as a type of morbid anxiety." "In adult life .... the 
dreams of stammerers are .... either dreams of inadequacy 
with efforts at compensation (not getting there, missing trains, 
etc.) or typical wish fulfilments, such as talking freely in 
company or addressing an assembly like an orator." All of 
the following types of repressed complexes may produce stam- 

1. "Repression of sexual acts or secrets and the fear of 

BQn the question of the age of onset of stuttering the writer may 
quote from his investigation of two years ago: "If we exclude the 
251 cases for which no data were supptied and base the per cents on 
die remaining 4^ cases, we get the following results: in 814% of the 
cases the stuttering began before the age of o (in manv of these 'at an 
indefinite point in early life'), and in 15% between the age of 6 and 
la, and in 34% after the age of 10." Cf. Report of the Board of 
Education of the City of St, Louis, 1915-1916^ p. 187. 


2. "Oedipus complex, with a fear of betrayal of the hate 
of the father." 

3. "Masochistic phantasies." 

4. "The fear of pronouncing certain sexual, and therefore, 
tabooed words," relating to "certain anal, urinary or sexual 

5. "As a manifestation of anal eroticism." 

From what has been said it follows that "the proper treat- 
ment of stammering ... is purely psychological," namely, 
the removal of "the deeply rooted anxiety or dread from the 
unconscious, and this can only be accomplished through psycho- 
analysis." "The cure of stammering can be attained only 
through an exploration of the unconscious, a complete break- 
ing down of resistances," "which lead to constant reversions 
and stickings to the infantile libido with its tendency to con- 
ceal itself," "and to a sublimation of the effort to conceal the 
libido in the unconscious for the pleasure desired." "Every 
stammerer should have a psychoanalysis, it teaches the sufferer 
his disturbing complexes, that is, what to avoid and what 
not to avoid, how to master certain situations and not be 
mastered by them." 

In speaking of the influence of obscene words Freud says f 
"In some forms of speech blunders we may assume that the 
disturbing factor is the result of striking against obscene words 
and meanings. The purposive disfigurement and distortion of 
words and phrases, which is so popular with vulgar persons, 
aims at nothing else but the employing of a harmless motive 
as a reminder of the obscene, and this sport is so frequent 
that it would not be at all remarkable if it appeared uninten- 
tionally and contrary to the will." According to Dunlap^ "in 
many cases (not in all), the stammerer has especial difficulty 
with words beginning with one of a small group of sounds — 
the sounds with which certain obscene words much favored 
by small boys also begin." "The terms . . . may be in part 
profane expressions, or merely words like 'damn' or 'hell.' " 
The stammering began at the time the boy became familiar 
with these words "which he employed with satisfaction among 
his juvenile friends but which it would never, never do to 
let his mother, father or sisters hear." "The boy who is 
'carefully brought up,' if he is handicapped by a weak consti- 
tution" or "erratic muscular activity" is very apt to become 
a stutterer, or a stammerer of the deadlock type." It is the 

^Sigmund Freud. Psychopathology of Everyday Life, 1914, p. 96. 
^Knight Dunlap. The Stuttering Boy. Journal of Abnormal Psy- 
chology, 1917, pp. 44f. 


"'proper* little boys who become stutterers." "The boy in 
constant fear lest one of his obscene terms may slip out in 
wrong company .... soon comes to hesitate over every 
word which begins the same way as do these dangerous words ; 
and as the hesitation becomes a more and more fixed habit, it 
extends to other types of words also." "Girls do not stutter" 
because they "do not develop the same fear of revealing a 
tabu vocabulary, although they may have incriminating matter 
to conceal, and may develop accordingly a hesitating type of 
stammering." In respect to the cure, "There are far safer and 
more effective ways of discouraging the taste for bad language 
than by taking the I-would-be-shocked or the it-would-break- 
my-heart attitude." "If your small boy commences to stutter, 
find out what obscene and otherwise objectionable terms the 
boy is apt to be using," and then tell him "(if you can truly) 
that you did use those or equivalent words yourself, and have 
stopped." "Your attitude towards him" should "be no more 
contemptuous, crushing or sniffling than if he should break 
out with measles." 

We have recently attempted to make a fairly extensive 
study of the causation and practical treatment of a few stut- 
terers. We here set forth the record of one of these cases, 
a boy of twelve, whom we had occasion to study and treat 
during a period of six weeks in one of the mid-western univer- 
sities. The investigation of the developmental history proved 
negative, save for an attack of pneumonia at nine months. 
At eleven months the boy spoke two or three words, and at 
sixteen months short sentences. He began stuttering at two 
and a half years. The mother believes that the impediment 
was acquired imitatively from a maternal uncle whom he heard 
committing a stuttering selection at that time. He started 
to imitate his uncle, and gradually grew worse and more timid. 
At three he had his tonsils clipped. The operation frightened 
him greatly, and the stuttering grew worse afterwards, it is 
alleged. At four the tonsils and adenoid tissue were removed, 
and, inadvertently, a portion of the uvula. The stuttering has 
continued until the present time, although it has abated some- 
what during the last year or two. The subject stutters little 
when at play with boys, or when reciting poetry, while he 
stutters worse when tired and when speaking in a telephone. 
The mother thought that the most troublesome consonants 
were R and M. The treatment which had been followed, con- 
sisted in an attempt to get him to speak more slowly. He 
had been examined by a physician who had pronounced the 
trouble a "purely nervous affection." He was a good sleeper. 


ate well, and was not nervous, according to the moAer. He 
had two sisters, aged 4 and 9, neither of whom had ever stut- 

The physical examination showed that his nervous sjrstem 
was somewhat tmstable and rather high strung. Daily obser- 
vations occasionally disclosed fidgety movements, esp^ially of 
the hands. He had a severe phimosis, which was corrected 
by an (n>eration in the hope that the nervous tension would be 
lessened. According to the Stanford revision of the Binet- 
Simon scale the subject was advanced two months in intelli- 
gence (Basal Age IX) ; and according to the Seguin form- 
board he was advanced two years either by the combined norms 
or by the writer's norms for boys.* He had just been pro- 
moted to the seventh grade, with a condition in arithmetic and 
a poor record in music. He sang a few familiar songs in fair 
tune to the writer, but did not sustain the tones well. 

The writer had twenty-three sittings with the subject during 
a period of six weeks, devoted in part to the investigation of 
the case and in part to the treatment of the stuttering'. During 
five days of each week the special class teacher took the subject 
individually also for two daily lessons, following, however, 
only two of the methods of treatment used by the writer. In 
addition to this, the subject was asked to practice some of 
the exercises and follow many of the instructions at home. 

The attempt to locate the hypothetical submerged complex 
by the method of dream analysis proved unavailing. During 
the six- week period the subject was able to recall only three 
dreams, although he was urged immediately to jot down hb 
dreams whenever he awoke or whenever he could recall them. 
He said that he had a faint suspicion that he had one more 
dream, but could not recall a single fragment of it. On the 
sixth of the month he "dreamed that he saw a crowd of boys, 
representing the North and South, playing war. There were 
about twenty Southern and thirty Northern soldiers. The 
Southern soldiers were near a log cabin. Three of the North- 
em soldiers scared the Southern soldiers so that they ran 
away through the back door. I asked the Northern soldiers 
to catch them. Then I saw the Southern soldiers come back 
to the log cabin and go inside, where the Northern soldiers 
captured them. They put them in jail about five miles from 
our camp. I was near the Northern camp, and fought with 
the North. I shot with a gun, but did not hit anyone. I felt 
no fear." On the seventeenth of the month he dreamed that 

■Table XLIX, in the writer's Psycho-Motor Norms for Practical 
Diagnosis, 1916. 


he was at home, but cotdd not recall a single detail, and 
six days later he dreamed that he ''was home riding 
around in his wagon (he has a pony), and that he 
played hide-and-go-seek, tag, and other games with 
boys and had fun." He could not recall any further details. 
S<mie psycho-analyst may be able to find from these bare frag- 
ments the symbohsm and the latent complex or inner conflict 
at the root of the stuttering. Our attempt to expound tiie 
symbolical character of these dreams to the subject and to 
bring the hypothetical submerged complexes into conscious- 
ness proved abortive, so far. as concerns any salutary effect on 
the stuttering. This does not constitute a valid criticism of 
the method of dream analysis, because of the paucity of the 
dream material secured from this subject. The legitimate 
use of the method requires the analysis of many dreams. The 
method has, however, proved ineffective with two other stutter- 
ers (youths) who have reported far more dreams. These 
dreams have been "analyzed" independently by two students 
familiar with Freud's works and by myself. There is little 
agreement in the three analyses respecting the interpretation 
of the dreams or the 'character of the S3rmbolism read into 
them. It would be profitable to subject to an unprejudiced 
analysis the psycho-analytic interpretations which have been 
offered by a considerable number of analysts who have not had 
access to each other's interpretations, of several extensive sets 
of the same dreams. The subjective, individual and fantasti- 
cal nature of much psycho-analysis would in this way probably 
be brought clearly to light 

The results of the use of the association-reaction test was 
also disappointing. The stimuli which we used consisted of 
a series of words read aloud distinctly by the experimenter. 
None of the words was shown to the subject. After each 
word had been read, the reaction-word and the reaction-time 
(taken by a stop watch showing fifths of a second) were 
recorded. These responses are recorded in the column headed 
"reaction-words" in the accompanying series. After the entire 
series of words had been presented and the reaction-words 
recorded, the subject was asked to try to reproduce the same 
reaction-word as he had previously given as each of the stimu- 
li-words was again read. These results are recorded in the 
column headed " reproduction of reaction-word." Series 2 
was given eleven days after series 1, Series 3 seven days after 
Series 2, and Series 4 the next day after Series 3. We had 
in view a three-fold aim in the emplo)rment of this test. First, 
to bring to the surface any possible emotional complexes or 



conflicts whether conscious or subconscious. The test has 
been used for this purpose, on the assumption that when a 
given word "touches" an emotional complex, or a latent com- 
plex ("complex indicator"), the reaction to the word in ques- 
tion, or to the following word or words, will be delayed or 
even blocked. By analyzing the type of words causing delayed 
reactions in a given series or a number of series, or interroga- 
ting the subject in connection with the words which caused 
delays, it is possible, according to the theory, to determine 
the nature of the emotional complex. Manifestly it is no easy 
matter to construct lists which shall contain a number of signi- 
ficant words, when the history of the case is negative, so far 


Immediate Reaction 

Stimulus-Word Word Time 

Head Red 2.2 

Green Blue 2.2 

Long White 2.0 

Death Black 5.0 

To pay You 7.2 

Window Brown 8.0 

Father Home 7.6 

Lake Blue 3.0 

Kind Are 7.0 

Mother Home 22.0 

Boat Row 2.2 

Sister Play 13.2 

Candy Pink 3.2 

Fall You 8.4 

Run I 4.0 

Sing I 10.4 

Scream You ILO 

Summer Sunshine 15. 

Brother Swim 8.6 

School Summer 6. 2 

Nurse The 6.2 

Funny Clown IL 

Talk She II. 

Money Bank 29.0 

Girls The 4.4 

Swim You 7.2 

Steal He 5.0 

Reproduction of 
























































The unit of measurement in all the series is seconds. A plus sign in 
the delayed reproduction column in all the series indicates that the word 
given in the immediate reaction was correctly reproduced. In the case 
of incorrect reproductions the wrong word is given in the reproduction 

* The subject stuttered on all of the words marked with an asterisk 




Immediate Reaction Reproduction of 

Stimulus-Word Word Time Reaction-Word 

Sun Run 2.0 + 1.0 

Winter Snow 1.4 + 1.0 

Desk Brown 2.6 + 2.0 

Skates Ice 2.2 + 1.4 

Jump You 3.0 -h 2.0 

BaU HaU 2.2 FaU 15.0 

Pretty White 5.0 -h 2.0 

Knife Butcher 13.8* -h 6.8t 

Lost She 4.0 -h 4.2 

Father Home 25.6 + 3.0 

Hit He 2.2 You 6.2 

Hat The 2.4 -h 4.2 

Bank Savings 10.0 -h 2.2 

Scream She 5.2 You 2.6 

Pants The 2.8 Holy 5.2t 

Snow White 5.0 -h 2.4 

Money The 12.0 -h 10.2 

Tree Brown 3.6 + 2.2 

Death Funeral 7.6 -h 2.2 

House Black 5.2 + 4.0* 

Sister Play 7.0 -h 1.6 

Train Smoky 4.2 -h 11.4 

Bridge Cement 4.0 Smashed 2.0 

Pump Smashed 2.4 + 4.0 

Swear You 6.0 -h 1.2 

t A slight interruption occurred here. 


Immediate Reaction Reproduction of 

Stimulus-Word Word Time Reaction-Word 

Mill Flour 3.2 Wind 22.2 

Music Violin 3.4* -h 4.8 

River Steamboat 4.0 Fall 2.2 

Stone Cement 4.0 -H 7.0 

WhisUe Boy 14.0 He 4.8 

Little Hen 4.4 -h 3.0 

Barkinr Dog 3.4 -h 5.2 

Elephant Stout 7.2 -h 2.0 

Calling She 3.0 -h 3.4 

Rock Fall 5.2 -h 6.2 

Rattling Iron 12.0 -h 3.6 

Little Sparrow 3.0 + 2.0 

Mother Home 12.4 -h 1.8 

RoU Ball 5.4* + 4.2 

Kitty Brown 5.0 -h 3.4 

Cry You 10.0 They 3.0 

Horse Brown 5.0 -h 1.6 

Singing She 3.0 -h 8.4 

WiUi He 10.2 You 5.4 



Series lll—CaHiinued 

Immediate ReactioQ 

Sdmulu»-Word Word Time 

Stamping Horse 3.2 

Noise They 6.8 

Shoe Horse 3.0 

Thunder It 4.0 

Pun We 3.0 

Shine Shoes 3.0 

Fool They 7.4 

Kiss I 7.2 



















Immediate Reaction Reproduction of 

Stimulus-Word Word Time Reaction-Word 

Door FkxM- 2.2 -f 1.8 

Dam Boy 5.4 + 4.4 

Fire House 3.2 + 7.4 

Arm Strong 4.8 + 3.4 

Uf WeaP 3.4 + 2.0 

Hole Floor 4.2 + 3.6 

Cement 6.4 Boy 6.4 

He She 3.0 Boy 15.0 

Sun Fire 5.6 + 2.4 

Hell Boy 3.8 Cement 10.0 

DijT Cement 5.6 + 6.2 

Horse 4.6 Mule 3.6 

Dop 5.4 -I- 5.2 

Dam Cement 4.6 + 4.0 

Cook Supper* 4.8 + 5.6 

Girls Bad 6.4 + 3.2 

Alone She 2.2 + 3.2 

God Heaven 13.4 + 2.2 

Mule 6.8 + 1.6 

Love She 3.0 He 2.6 

Car Smadied 4.2 + 1.4 

He 4.0 -f 2.4 

9mt Stripe 5.0 + 1.6 

He 3.6 Bam 15.0 

Prunes Brown 4.8 + 2.6 

as the obtained information goes, as regards occurrences which, 
by implication, would have caused mental conflicts, or emo- 
tional upheavals in the life of the subject Careful inquiry 
of the mother (and tactful questioning of the subject later) 
did not disclose any grounds for such conflicts in the present 
instance. Arbitrary lists have in the past been constructed 
and these lists have been used with naive confidence in their 
revealing efficacy by some writers. We have included a few 
words from one of these lists. But to maintain that all the 
words in a custom-made list which are associated with delayed 


responses reveal an inner conflict or enx>tional complex, may 
suffice for the unsophisticated devotee of a cult but surehr 
cannot satisfy the critical experimental scientist who demands 
facts capable of objective verification. We included a few 
words like death, father, mother, sister, brother, nurse, gtrls, 
scream, bank, money, steal (the father was a banker), which 
we thought might have been associated with unpleasant experi- 
ences in the past, and with submerged conflicts at the time. 
As will be seen later, some of these words produced delayed 
responses while others did not 

The second purpose in employing the association reaction 
test was to determine whether the subject stuttered because 
of the present or past use of indecent or profane words. The 
assumption made is that the subject will stutter on words 
beginning with the same letter as one of die foul words, and 
hence the record should show that the subject stuttered on 
such words, or that the responses were delayed. We may 

*One is tempted to quote Solomon's stinging rebuke of some of the 
Freudians, in discussing the etiology of stuttering: "I must stoutly 
protest against an evasion of the real issues by the leaders of flie 
Freudian movement. Let them retrace their steps and first prove the 
truth, soundness and validity of their psychological and sexual theories 
and cease pressing on to pastures new." "If thev are not prepared to 
do this, or are unwilling so to do, I do not believe that they are 
entitled to continue to inflict upon others views which have little real 
foundation in fact» which are unproven, unfounded, purely speculative, 
imaginative, pure figments of the imagination, a delusion, and a snare." 
.... '*No1t a single case has been presented in proof of the conclu- 
sions drawn in the paper. Surely this is not what we have been 
accustomed to expect in other fields of medicine." "I venture to say 
that in no department of medicine or in fact in no other aspect of 
life would scientific men tolerate presentation and promulgation, despite 
opposition and disproof and with no tangible or definite evidence or 
proof." (Meyer Solomon. Remarks upon Dr. Coriat*s Paper, 'Stam- 
mering as a Psychoneurosis.' Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 1915, 
130 f.) Solomon may be interested to Imow that a similar vodferooi 
"promulgatioa" has gone on in another phase of psychological diagnosis, 
tn^diagnosis of mental deficiency bv means of mental tests and arbi- 
tranr standards the validity of whidi has never been demonstrated by 
methods which will stand a scientific test. On the basis of this pro- 
cedure the public has been regaled for years with the most exaggerated 
statements of the prevalence and criminal menace of the feeble- 
minded. Some workers have habitually diagnosed persons whom they 
have never seen (much as the mental healers diagnose and* heal at a 
distance), on the basis of tests given by amateurs, and these results 
have httn repeatedly referred to as "conservative" and as "scientifically 
demonstrated" Fortunately for clinical psychology a period of criticsd 
evaluation is setting in, the influence of a body of critical workers is 
gradually permeating through the ranks, and less denunciation is now 
neaped upon any one who ventures to question the "ipse dixit" than 
was the case widiin a period of time that is still green m memory. 


also assume, according to the theory, that the subject either will 
stutter or the reactions will be delayed when he attempts to 
repeat the vulgar words themselves, or when he reacts with 
another word to them, because he will feel ashamed and get 
flustered when he hears the objectionable words. In the last 
association reaction test which we gave, we introduced nine 
inelegant or obscene words, some of which we have indicated 
by dashes. On the following day we asked the subject to 
write out a list of all the "bad,'^ "ugly" or "nasty" words 
which he had ever used and also a list of indecent words which 
he had heard other boys use. The former list included only 
the word "dam fool" — ^the parents later said this was the only 
bad word they had heard him use, but it is probable that he 
had used others, in fact he said he had been punished for using 
bad words — ^while the list of bad words which he had heard 
others use included four which we used in Series IV and two 
which we did not use. 

The third aim of the use of the association reaction test 
was to determine whether the subject suflFered from auditory 
amnesia. The assumption was made that auditory amnesia 
should affect words whose images are predominantly auditonr 
rather than visual or motor, and that the responses to such 
words should be delayed, owing to the difficulty of evoking 
them or the tendency to stutter on them. This assumption, it 
seems to us, is a natural consequence of the theory, although 
we would not be understood as attempting to justify it, for 
many persons imdoubtcdly visualize words which are pre- 
dominantly auditory in character. It is evident, therefore, 
that in selecting a list of words with auditory imagery we 
cannot dogmatically affirm that the subject did not actually 
use visual or motor images rather than auditory images. But 
this merely proves how inherently intricate and difficult of 
solution this kind of a problem is. 

The average and median reaction-times for the reaction- 
words and the later reproductions of the reaction-words in the 
different series are as follows : 

Series I Series II Series III Series IV 

Av. M. Av. M. Av. M. Av. M. 

Reaction-words 8.2 7.2 5.6 4.0 5.7 4.4 4.8 4.6 

Reproduction-time 5.7 4.0 4.0 2.6 5.1 3.4 4.6 3.4 

Av.= average. M.= median. 

It is observed that the time for the reproductions is invariably 
shorter than the time for the original reactions. The responses 
were the slowest in Series I, for both the reaction-words and 



the reproductions, while they were the fastest in Series IV, 
which contained the offensive words, if the results are based 
on the averages (one exception). Based on the general avera- 
ges or medians for each series there is no evidence of delayed 
responses in the series containing the reprehensible words. 

The following are the stimuli words which produced the 
slowest reaction-words in each series, together with the aver- 
age and median reaction-times for the reaction-words and for 
the reproductions. 

Series I 

Series II 

Series III 

Series IV 



























Time for Reaction Words 






Median .. 





Time for Reproductions 

Average. . 





Medism .. 





The impressive point about the above figures is that while, 
as a matter of course, the times are invariably longer for these 
reaction-words than for the reaction-words in the correspond- 
ing complete series, the times are shorter for most of the repro- 
ductions than for the reproductions in the corresponding com- 
plete series. In other words, conclusions based on the time re- 
quired to give the reaction-words would not at all apply to the 
reproduction of the reaction-words, and the question must in- 
evitably arise which series should furnish the criterion. It has 
been assumed that when stimulus-words cause delayed reac- 
tions the later reproductions of the reactions will also be slower 
and more difficult or impossible. To be sure, the reproductions 
were not always correctly given for these slow reaction-words. 
More than half of the reproductions in Series I and III and 
half in Series IV were wrong, while all of those in Series II 
were correct. But wrong reproductions are also frequently 
found with rapid reaction-words. Moreover, the time for the 
correct and incorrect reproductions does not differ signifi- 
cantly. We also find instances in each series in which the 


rq)roductk)n-times are slow when tte reaction-tiines are n^nd, 

e.g, : 

Series I Series II Series III Series IV 
Kind— Ball— MiU* Fire 
Green Train Singing He- 
Long Noise— ,,., 

Nurse Thunder 

Time OP Reaction- Words 
Average.. 4.3 3.2 4.2 3.1 

Time £»r Reproductions 

Average.. 17.2 13^2 14^9 1L2 

♦ Stuttered. ' 

In only 4 of these twelve words were the reproductions incor- 
rect. These instances are indicated by the minus sign follow- 
ing the stimulus word. The responses were slower for some 
of these incorrect reproductions, but not all. We are unable 
to find any "common element" that is responsible for the 
wrong reproductions. 

An analysis of the individual words given on the previous 
page which produced the slowest associations shows that eight 
of those given on page 359 are included while three are not, 
namely "brother," "nurse" and "steal." The original reaction 
to "death" in Series II was only slightly delayed, but it was not 
delayed in Series I, while the reproduction times were faster 
than the general averages in both series. The word "scream" 
produced delayed associations in 1 but not in II, while the 
reproductions, although wrong, were accelerated in both series. 
The reaction-words to "mother" and "sister" were delayed in 
both I and III, and to "father" in II, but not in I, while the 
reproduction times are shorter than the general averages in 
both series. The reactions to "brother" were average. The 
reaction-time to "girls" was slightly delayed in IV but acceler- 
ated in I, while the reproductions were faster in both Series 
I and IV. The parents, however, said that the relations were 
not strained between them and the boy, while the boy also made 
tl^ same statement, although he said that his father had some- 
times punished him and he sometimes got into trouble with 
his sister. The word "bank" produced a delayed reaction but 
an accelerated reproduction in II. The word "monejr" pro- 
duced delayed reactions in both I and II, and the reproduction 
was delayed in II while in I it was accelerated although the 
boy stuttered on the word. He was not known to have s^>pro- 
priated any money. The word "steal" did not produce any 


ddayed association, although the reproduction of the associa- 
tion was wrong. From this it might be inferred that the hoy 
had had trouble with the family over money matters, althou^ 
he was not known to have stolen. 

The list of delayed reactions on p^e 361 contains a dozen 
words which were not included in our list on page 359. These 
words were given only once. The time for the reproductions 
of the reaction-words was less than normal for most of these 
words. The list includes such widely varjring words as, sina, 
summer, funny (but fun produced an accelerated response), 
talk, whistle, with and God; and we do not believe that a 
minute analysis of these words would shed any particular light 
on our problem. Had the words been repeated several times 
they would probably have shown both delayed and accelerated 
responses, as did some of the other words. 

The average time for the reactions to the nine obscene words 
in Series IV is 4.9 (median 4.6), and for the reproductions 
5.8 (median 5.2). The time for the reaction-words is shorter 
than it is in Series I, II and III (except for the medians in 
II and III), and practically the same as in Series IV. On the 
other hand, the time to reproduce the reaction-words is con- 
sistently longer for the obscene words than for the words in 
any of the complete series, although the differences are some- 
times negligible. It is evident that the conclusion drawn would 
be antithetical according as the results were based on the orig- 
inal reaction-words or on the reproduction times. Most work- 
ers would probably make the original response the criterion, 
in which case the obscene words produced a result directly 
opposite to that demanded by the theory. We have already 
called attention to the fact that the average time for the reac- 
tion-words is the shortest in Series IV. Based on the time 
of the responses, we find no evidence that the obscene words 
"touched" any submerged complex or produced any emotional 
perturbation when first read — ^the subject seemed to flush and 
grow slightly disconcerted only twice — while they produced 
only slight perturbation when read the second time. The sub- 
ject did not stutter once on these reaction-words or reproduc- 
tions, while six of the reproductions were correct 

It has been said that the emotional delay or blocking of the 
associational processes may appear only m the words which 
follow the exciting words. To test this theory we have aver- 
aged the time for the reaction-words to the first word follow- 
ing each of the objectionable words. The average is 4.3 (med- 
ian 4.8), while for the reproduction of the reaction-words 
the average is 5.5 (median d2). In other words, the reaction 


times are actually shorter for these words than for all of the 
words in any of the complete series (except for the medians). 
However, we again find that the reproduction times for these 
words are slightly longer than in the complete scries, but the 
diflferences are not large. 

We have also compiled the reaction rates for the words in 
the diflFerent series, which begin with the same letters as do 
obscene or inelegant words. The following figures represent 
the average times (in seconds) for all the stimulus words in 
the four series which begin with the designated initial letters 
(i.e., the letters which begin some obscene or profane word) : 

Time for 

Time for 


No. of words 

reaction words 










































In the main — ^we cannot take space to compare each initial 
with the average for each series given on page 360 — ^the times 
are shorter for the reaction-words beginning with six of the 
above initials (A, B, C, D, H, and P) and longer for only four 
(F, G, K, S), and about the same relation holds for the repro- 
duction series. It is evident that the results obtained from 
the reaction-word times and reproduction times are again con- 
tradictory for some of the words. The long reaction time 
which we find for the F-words is reduced to 6.3 if the word 
"father" is excluded in the second series, where it is abnormally 
long. On the whole, we do not find any greater tendency to 
stutter on words beginning with the initials of obscene words 
than on words beginning with any other letters,**^ judged by 
the reaction times or the tendency to stutter on the responses. 

But it may be objected that the words beginning with the 
above initials should not have been selected from the list of 
stimulus words, but from the subject's responses, because it is 
only claimed that stuttering affects those words which are 
actually spoken hy the stutterer and which begin with the 
initial of the forbidden words. To test this theory, we have 

^•Somc of the words on which the subject stuttered most, beginning 
with the most severe, were: little. Prentice, with, kitty, roll, rock, 
went, mill, river, rest, problem, cow boy, up, sixteenth, press. 


averaged the reaction times required by the subject to utter 
the words in the different series which begin with the initial 
of one of the objectionable words. The averages are as fol- 
lows : 

Time for Time for 

Letter No. of words reaction words reproductions 

A 1 7.0 16.0 

B 17 6.8 3.9 

C 6 5.9 4.5 

D 2 4.4 2.6 

F 6 4.6 6.4 

H 16 7.9 4.9 

P 3 7.8 1.9 

S 23 5.1 4.3 

Exclusive of the first letter, which is based on only one occur- 
rence, the time to give the reaction-words is, on the whole, 
somewhat longer for four of the initials (B, C, H and P) than 
the subject's normal time in the four series, and somewhat 
shorter for three initials (D, F and S). If "home" which 
has an abnormally long reaction time in Series I and II is 
excluded the average for H is reduced to 4.1, which is less 
than normal. When we turn to the reproduction series, we 
find that the time is shorter for all the initials except F, where 
it is longer, and H, where it is about the same. There are a 
number of instances in which the wrong reproductions begin 
with the above initials, but they are not included in the aver- 
ages. Most of them, however, show no delays. 

It is evident that the results from the dream analysis and 
the association-test only justify a negative conclusion with re- 
spect to the causal relation of the stuttering in this case to 
submerged emotional complexes or the use of words which 
begin with the initials of vulgar words. This conclusion is in 
harmony with the "general impressions" which remained after 
a study of all the aspects of the case. The therapeutical effects 
of the above methods of analysis were nil. The only "complex 
indicator" which we could make out was possible friction of 
the boy in the home with the rest of the family. We pointed 
out to the subject how this was indicated by the tests, but, 
as stated above, the implication was denied. Moreover, the 
attempt to render the "latent" content "manifest" did not 
mitigate the stuttering. The boy also said that he did not 
have nor had he had any fear of using "bad" words in the 
presence of his parents or of older persons or of girls. He was 
told that his stuttering was due to the use of such words in 
as many respectable persons had used such words. He was 
the past, but that this was nothing to feel ashamed about now, 
told to stop paying any attention to this or worrying about 


it, and the impression was stroi^y conveyed that following 
this advice would soon cause the stuttering to stop. We felt, 
however, that this line of treatment was quite impotent. 

We are not yet prepared to say that the method of psycho* 
analysb has no vahie in the analysis and treatment of stutter- 
ing. There may be cases in which it is applicable. We have 
made an attempt to apply it, so far as our limited time has 
permitted, to three cases — ^the other two more mature than the 
present patient — ^but with unfavorable results. Naturally we 
have become soberly conservative with respect to the glowing 
claims which have been put forth in behalf of the theory. 
Very few of these claims have been substantiated by detailed 
experiments and observations and by adequate follow-up re- 
ports. Owing to the skill and the great amotmt of time needed 
to apply the method, it cannot be used, even if it were effective, 
in a large school system with a large number of stutterers.^^ 

As we have before intimated, it is impossible to determine 
with absolute accuracy the type of imagery which any one 
may use in connection with a given word. This is particularly 
true when the subject finds it hard to determine introspectively 
what images actually appeared with different words. Our time 
did not enable us to secure extensive introspective data from 
the subject of this investigation. The data we did secure indi- 
cated that his word imagery was of the mixed type. In the 
following tabulation we have given the words in each series 
in which the imagery ought, apparently, to be predominantly 

The time required to give reaction-words to these " auditory 
words " is the same as the normal rate in Series II (p. 360) and 
longer in Series I, III and IV, but the difference is negligible 
in III and IV. In fact, the median (42) for the auditory 


Series II 

Series III 

Series IV 















^^We have found peripheral methods more successful. The inethod 
of contracting the muscles of the lower jaw, with slow, deliberate 
speech, and sometimes with contraction of the hands, works fairly 
well with some cases, while iht method of muscular relaxation and men- 
tal sangfroid gives fair results with others. 


Time for Reaction-Words 
Average.. 10.8 5.6 6.2 5.0 

Time for Reproducthx^s 
Average.. 4.2 3.8 6.4 4,2 

words in Series III, which contains the largest number, is 
slightly smaller than the median for all the words in III. The 
times for the reproduction of the reaction-words are all shorter 
than the normal rates in all the Series except III. Seven of 
the seventeen reproductions were wrong, but the time viras not 
abnormally long in these except in one instance. We cannot 
conclude from the association experiment that for this subject 
any special significance attaches to auditory words, that he 
suffers from auditory amnesia or that auditory amnesia has 
aught to do with his stuttering. While we do not consider 
the reaction experiment as absolutely conchisive on this point, 
the words on which the subject stuttered the worst (p. 364) 
were not auditory in character. Moreover, we explained clearly 
the theory of auditory amnesia and told the boy that his stutter- 
ing was due to his inability to get auditory images, and that 
it would disappear after he had learned to think of how the 
words are going to sound before he attempts to speak them. 
He said he thought he had been able to get auditory images 
of words. Nevertheless we asked him to practice daily at 
home (during the last three weeks) on imaging the sounds 
of words. In our daily exercises we also had him spend a cer- 
tain amount of time in the effort to get vivid auditory images 
before he attempted to utter words on which he had frequently 
stuttered. He was frequently told to close the eyes and keep 
his mind on the sound of the word. If he was unable mentally 
to hear the sound, he was told to whisper the word. When he 
felt that he had a clear image of the sound he was asked to 
speak the word and was assured that he would be able to do 
so without any difficulty. These exercises seemed to lessen 
the tendency to stutter at the moment — ^possibly due to the 
confidence we instilled in him — ^but the subject continued to 
stutter on the same words on other occasions, and we saw no 
permanent improvement from the emplo3rment of these exer- 
cises within the time limits of the experiment. We felt that 
the subject obtained more benefit from our physical-relaxation 
and mental-composure exercises than from the "auditory" 
exercises. From our own experience with stuttering cases we 
feel that much more work of scientific caliber must be done 
before the newer theories of the afiSiction can be accepted as 
proved. This work will probably have to be done by men who 
come to the problem without prepossessions. 


By June E. Downey 

The determination of the extent to which handwriting may 
be disguised is a problem of considerable importance from 
at least two points of view. On the one hand, as a practical 
problem, of great interest from the legal standpoint, it arises 
in connection with the imitation of the writing of others in 
forgeries that are not traceries and in the "masked" writing 
of the anonymous letter. On the other hand, from the psycho- 
logical or theoretical side, the range and method of hand- 
writing disguise is of significance in connection with the utili- 
zation of handwriting in psycho-diagnosis. 

Our concern is mainly with the second of these two consider- 
ations. In passing, however, it should be observed that the 
handwriting experts have much to say concerning the difficul- 
ties involved in the identification of handwriting and in the 
determination of the original of a disguised hand. They insist 
upon the need of cautious procedure ; they list the sources of 
possible error; and they warn against the acceptance of the 
unsupported opinion of the incompetent and untrained witness. 
Mr. Albert Osbom, the New York Expert, writes,* "There 
are two main questions that confront the examiner of an 
alleged forgery. The first of these is how much and to what 
extent may a genuine writing diverge from a certain type, 
and the second is how and to what extent will a more or less 
skillful forgery be likely to succeed and be likely to fail in 
embodying the characteristics of a genuine writing." These 
two questions (1) of the limits of variation in a natural hand 
and (2) of the graphic characteristics that may or may not 
be easily assumed are of first importance from the theoretical 
side also. 

A significant item of difference between the emphasis of 
the handwriting expert and that of the psychologist should, 
however, be noted. The expert approaches the problem largely 
from the standpoint of the degree of credibility of the witness 
testifying in court concerning the genuineness of handwriting. 
The psychologist would press the matter further back and 

* " Errors in Identification of Handwriting." Am. Law Review, Vol. 
48, I9I4, p. 48. 


determine, if possible, the reason for the great individual dif- 
ferences that exist, apart from training, with respect to obser- 
vation of handwriting individuality. Furthermore, he is most 
curious concerning the varying capacity for disguise exhibited 
by different penmen and the mental temperament that lies back 
of virtuosity in the assumption of different handwriting in- 
dividualities. Lastly, he would question what are the psycho- 
physical factors that determine the ease or difficulty with which 
different graphic elements may be voluntarily altered. 

The problem of control in handwriting, which is a basal 
one so far as psycho-diagnosis is concerned, centers about 
two problems both of which are open to experimentation: (1) 
The extent to which disguise of one's habitual handwriting is 
possible and (2) the extent to which voluntary control is 
maintained in conventional writing as evidenced by the changes 
that take place in automatic writing or writing under distrac- 
tion. In everyday life an obvious indication of this latter 
change is the difference between writing furbished up for state 
occasions and writing designed for domestic purposes, in neg- 
ligee so to speak. In ordinary writing, control becomes pro- 
gressively less rigid as one becomes interested in the content 
of what he is writing or as speed of writing increases. The 
first half of each word, the first half of a written line, and of 
a manuscript give evidence of greater control than does the 
second half. The significance of this variation in conscious 
control, so often emphasized by graphologists, need not detain 
us here. Instead let us turn to the problem of voluntary dis- 
guise of handwriting. 

For scientific purposes one strikes the problem at close 
quarters by an experimental treatment such, for instance, as 
that of Dr. Georg Meyer.* Meyer approached the question 
from four different angles: (1) Which g^phic characters 
can be repressed voluntarily? (2) Which can be assumed 
voluntarily 1 (3) What is the result of a deliberate attempt 
to disguise handwriting? (4) How far is imitation of another 
hand possible ? 

To obtain an answer to question 1, a large number of sub- 
jects were asked to write as calligraphically as possible, in 
true copy-book style of the schoolroom. Normals were also 
obtained for comparison. To obtain an answer for question 
2, definite variations in particular g^phic characters were 
asked for from twenty-five different reagents. Question 3 
was answered by asking subjects to disguise their writing; 

*"Ucbcr Schriftvcrstcllung." Graphologische Monatshefte, 1900, 
IV, pp. 1-12; 105-120; 125-139. 


question 4 by asking for imitation of specific hands. From his 
study of the methods of intentional disguise employed by un- 
sophisticated subjects, Meyer was able to draw some interest- 
ing conclusions concerning the graphic elements that are least 
subject to control, which in the main are precisely those to 
which the average observer pays least attention. 

I have notes on an experiment of my own similar in purpose 
to that of Meyer but developed in a somewhat different man- 

I asked twenty- four imsophisticated subjects to write a 
given verse on an unlined sheet of standard size and quality 
in their usual manner. I then requested each of them to re- 
write this verse on a second similar sheet but disguising their 
hand-writing as far as was possible. No instructions were given 
as to method of disguise. Each subject could#take all the time 
and pains that he cared to in the disguise, which was prepared 
away from the laboratory. In selecting my subjects I chose 
twelve of each sex. With reference to age they fell into two 
groups also, twelve under twenty-six years of age and twelve 
over thirty. The younger g^oup was, with one exception, 
composed of college students ; the older group, with three ex- 
ceptions, of University instructors. Four of the latter were 
psychologists. Such a selection of subjects was dictated by 
a desire to see whether age and sex were factors governing 
success in disguise. The degree to which a given disguise 
was held to be successful was determined by the submission 
of the series of disguised and undisguised writings to sixteen 
reagents for matching and the counting of the number of 
times a disguised specimen was correctly matched with the im- 
disguised specimen written by the same penman. 

The material obtained in this manner was worked over 
with the following questions in mind: (1) What methods of 
disguise were utilized by the group of subjects? (2) To 
what extent were the individual attempts at disguise effective 
as determined by the percentage of failures on the part of the 
judges in identification of the disguised hand? Were the 
younger penmen more successful than the older ones in dis- 
guise ? Was there any difference in the percentage of successes 
of men and women? 

In an attempt to answer the first question, out of almost 
numberless observations that might be made relative to changes 
in the graphic characters, tabtdation was limited to the ob- 
vious shifts in size, slant, pressure or line-quality, form, con- 
tinuity, alignment, connectmg-stroke, relative proportion, and 
i-dot. Sec Table I. 














J 00 









CM ^tO 


« p 



A word of comment upon each of these chosen elements is 
desirable. A change in size of writing is a frequent outcome 
of disguise, a decrease being more common than an increase 
in size. There is, in fact, in the given specimens no case of 
increased size comparable to the extremes of decrease. The 
decrease in size of letters is usually accompanied by a greater 
compactness in texture leading to a compression in the horizon- 
tal extension. This same compression appears also in a few 
cases in which the writing is increased in size but, usually, 
increased amplitude is accompanied by a looser texture. 

A shift in slant was also noticeable in the disguised hand, 
usually in the direction of the vertical or backhand. Such a 
change is one that readily appeals to the tmsophisticated, al- 
though handwriting individuality is but little dependent upon 
slant of writing. 

The degree to which pressure varied in the natural and the 
disguised hand cannot be told with any degree of accuracy 
from the written product Experiments on pressure demand 
actual instrumental registration. Certain changes in line-qual- 
ity were, however, very evident in a large number of cases. 
In a majority of specimens this change is in the direction of 
a heavier line. I do not find, unfortunately, a record of how 
many of my subjects used a different style of pen in attempting 
to disguise their hands, but in any case it is unlikely that such 
a shift accounts for the uniformity in direction of change. 

In consideration of variations in letter-form, the writing- 
specimen was scrutinized to determine whether on the whole 
there was simplification or conventionalizing of the natural 
hand or whether the reagent attempted to disguise his hand by 
the employment of superfluous ornamentation or fantastic 
forms. Recourse to a conventional vertical hand or to print 
is one of the most effective means of disguise but it is more 
difficult to achieve than a hand decked out with all manner of 
superfluous curls. It demands more consistent motor control. 
The tabulation given overlooks the many details of form that 
would be so carefully noted by the expert in attempting to 
prove or disprove the genuineness of a given writing. Individ- 
ual mannerisms, tricks of style, are often revealed in the form 
of individual letters and one of the most interesting questions 
involved in disguised handwriting is the extent to which a pen- 
man is aware of his individual peculiarities and the consistent 
with which he is able to avoid tell-tale mannerisms. Sucn 
observation does not, however, lend itself to tabulation. 
Changes in capitals are more easily achieved than changes in 
small letters; they are made with a higher degree of con- 



A change in alignment occurs frequently but without much 
uniformity as to the direction. 

The degree of continuity in a given hand is one of its most 
distinctive marks. This character is held to be very largely 
dependent upon the general smoothness and regularity of the 
motor impulse, a matter to a considerable degree, of the orig- 
inal constitution. A break in continuity is much more easily 
initiated than is increased continuity. 

Changes in the form of the connecting stroke occur frequent- 
ly, more commonly from an angular to a rounded connection 
than the reverse. 

While absolute size of writing is easily shifted, relative pro- 
portion of parts is pretty constant. There are, however, a 
very great number of possible observations relative to propor- 
tion, among them the following: relative proportion of strokes 
above and below the line, relative size of one-space and three- 
space letters, relative horizontal and vertical space relations of 
the one-space letters, relative proportion of capital and strokes 
above the line. It is much more difficult to vary some of these 
proportions than others. For example, from my results, it ap- 
pears that a change in the relative size of the one-space letters 
is not infrequent, while changes in the relative proportion of up 
and down strokes is less often observed. An increase in the 
relative length of an up-stroke is said to be particularly diffi- 
cult to achieve and my specimens show only two cases in which 
such a change was evident. An increase in the relative length 
of a down-stroke is much more common, and, in general, an 
increase in difference in length is twice as frequent as a de- 
crease in difference in length. 

The mannerisms exhibited in dotting the i are very constant. 
This i-dot may be observed from three points of view ; its local- 
ization, that is, the distance it is placed above the line and its 
position directly above or to the right or the left of the i; 
secondly, its form, which varies in an extraordinary number of 
ways from comma-shaped to wedge-shaped, not to mention its 
size; and, thirdly, the time of its making, immediately after 
the letter itself or after the word or line has been written. 
One would need to watch the penman while writing in order 
to establish this latter habit. In the disguises I collected, there 
are no obvious changes of localization in the placing of the 
dot, although in several specimens there is great variability in 
the natural hand itself. So far as form was concerned there 
are several deliberate attempts to vary the form. Bizarre 
forms were adopted for the dot, such as the use of a circle, or 
of a V-shaped figure. I am inclined to think that two or three 
of these changes were motivated by a knowledge on the part 



of the penman of the fact that the dot of an i is most character- 

Some of the changes just mentioned are deliberate, a revela- 
tion of what the subject believes to be characteristic of hand- 
writing individuality. Of these deliberately sought shifts, 
some are easily manipulated, slant, for example, and change 
in absolute size. Others are handled with greater difficulty 
because of their dependence upon psycho-physical factors, as, 
for instance, degree of connection. Still otiier changes are de- 
pendent upon the general instruction to disguise the hand and 
are not directly willed by the subject nor even noticed by him. 

Let us be more specific. Absolute size is easily changed 
voluntarily. But not all changes in size are to be attributed 
to direct volition. Increased attention to writing results in 
decrease in the size of writing and in increased pressure. The 
uniformity with which changes occurred in these directions 
is then, in part at least, an outcome of efiFort of attention and 
not wholly a product of intention. Increased size, on the 
other hand, may result from discontinuity of the motor im- 
pulse so that eadi letter is written as a separate unit rather than 
as part of a word. One would expect to find this increase in 
size in disguises in which attention is concentrated upon varia- 
tion in the form of individual letters. Frequent breaks in 
connection between letters would also result from such a break- 
up of the motor impulse. 

Alignment and the shape of the i-dot may be deliberately 
varied if one chance to know his own mannerisms and if he 
can hold his attention consistently to the detail in question. 
Details of form are very hard to change particularly in the 
middle and at the end of a word. The style of a capital is 
not hard to shift. 

The results of this canvass of the methods utilized in dis- 
guise of hands agree very closely with what has been reported 
by Meyer as the outcome of his investigation and with the 
scheme adopted by the Berlin police in their indexing of hand- 
writing specimens as part of their system of identification of 
criminals. In this latter system the characteristics of hand- 
writing are arranged in a descending scale beginning with 
the elements that are most easily altered and ending with 
those that are least subject to change. 

A further point of interest is a comparison of these shifts 
that accompany an effort to disguise the hand, with concen- 
tration of attention upon the act of writing, with those thiat 
are the outcome of distraction of attention from writing and, 
in some instances, of completely automatic writing. The shift 


in size that is significant of automatic writing has been some- 
what thoroughly discussed in another connection.* Increase 
in size is a general outcome of increased automatism, just as 
decrease in size is an effect of concentration of attention upon 
writing, unless the latter result in a complete dissociation of 
letters and separate impulse for each. A decrease in pressure 
is also an outcome of automatic writing but less evidently so 
than the increase in size. Completely automatic writing results 
apparently in script that is more continuous than the usual 
writing but in case of incomplete distraction there would be 
alternate fixation and release of attention with, probably, in- 
creased discontinuity. Changes in slant do not occur in auto- 
matic writing as they do in disguised hands, although there 
seems to be in some cases a tendency to greater verticality. 
Changes in form are in the direction of disorganized or child- 
like hands. 

Between the two extremes of voluntarily disguised writing 
and writing produced without conscious supervision lies the 
ordinary writing with which g^phology deals. It is evident 
where one should look for lapse of control. In ordinary writing 
such control is greatest at the beginning of words and at the 
opening of a manuscript Conventional restraint becomes pro- 
gressively difficult as speed of writing increases. With deepen- 
ing interest in content, writing becomes freer and bolder. 
Every prolonged piece of writing shows the shift from con- 
scious to involuntary control, and in this fact the graphologist 
finds an opportunity for observation of certain characteristics 
of the motor impulse. 

Let us turn now to the second question, the success of a 
disguise as determined by the failure of the judges in pene- 
tration of the disguise. 

But before entering upon the question of the success of the 
individual penmen, a word concerning the varying skill of the 
sixteen judges. The range in success runs from only one 
correct identification of the twenty-four disguised hands to 
an accurate pairing of eleven specimens (a record made by a 
bank cashier). The average number of correct identifications 
(and the median record) is six, or twenty-five percent. 

About half of the judges were taken from the college com- 
munity which produced the disguised hands, and, in some cases, 
they recognized a number of the natural hands. This famil- 
iarity with the natuial hand increased slightly the number of 
correct identifications. There exists, however, a very great 

•"Control Processes in Modified Handwriting.** Psy, Rev, Mon. 
Sup., 1908, 37, p. I22f. 


individual difference in the ease with which handwriting is 
recognized even when undisguised and in the facility with 
whidi handwriting specimens by the same penman may be 
paired. For ten of my judges in this test I have record of 
their success in the matching of undisguised hands. The 
group is too small to be of much value but the results of the 
two tests give a coefficient of correlation of .41 (P. E. .18). 

The outcome of this aspect of the experiment justifies the 
distrust on the part of the most careful handwriting experts 
of the opinion of the ordinary observer as to the genuineness 
of a given hand. The chance of error is so great that the 
judgment of the amateur can have little weight, although, 
obviously, the opinion of one may be worth more than that 
of another, — a matter which could be determined only by a 
controlled test. Certainly the confidence with which a witness 
— or a reagent in the psychological experiment — expresses his 
opinion bears little relation to his value as an observer and 
might be most misleading in a trial in court. 

Such strictures against handwriting — identification on the 
part of the amateur only serve to point the value of the work 
of the expert, with his instruments of precision, his microscope, 
his enlarged photographs, his multiplication of observations, 
and his knowledge of where to look for significant variation. 

Three of the judges who took part in the test on disguised 
handwriting were given a second trial at matching after an 
explanation had been given them concerning the significant and 
non-significant features of writing individuality. They were 
advised to ignore changes in size, slant, and form of capitals. 
Their increased success was as follows: (A) from nine to 
twelve correct identifications; (B) from six to nine; (C) from 
five to eight. 

So far as the individual disguises are concerned, some were 
much more effective than otihers. Three could scarcely be 
called disguised since they were correctly paired by almost 
every judge. Of the other twenty-one, four were so well dis- 
guised, as to wholly elude capture; eight were identified by 
only one or two judges each. The remaining nine were cor- 
rectly paired by from three to seven of the judges. 

The three who fail completely at disguise write very indi- 
vidual hands. Their failure was evident to themselves and 
they made subsequent attempts to mask their writing without 
much greater success. Of the four completely successful 
disguises, one is a semi-print style, another is a most clever 
imitation of a friend's hand included among the specimens, 
with which it is matched by four different judges. Two others 


show very great shifts in slant and size, changes which how- 
ever easily manipulated seem quite effective in deceiving the 
ordinary observer. The more conventional and immature 
hands that approximate a given system cause considerable 
difficulty in the test. 

Calcidating the percentage of actual identifications, on the 
basis of the possible number, for the groups of older and 
younger subjects respectively (twelve each), we find it 34 
percent for the older group and 18.3 percent for the younger. 
The three reagents who failed completely to disguise their 
hands all belong to the older groups. Dropping these out and 
recalculating on the basis of actual to possible identifications 
we find the percentage of successful identification for the older 
group is 17.4 and for the younger 18.3 percent. 

Calculating the percentage in the same way, but with a^ 
division on the sex basis (twelve each), we find the percentage 
of correct identifications is 22.5 in the case of the women and 
30 percent for the men. Again dropping out the three sub- 
jects who failed so signally at disguise (two women and one 
man) and recalculating, the percentages run 10.3 percent for 
women and 24.7 percent for the men. Our numbers are too 
small and too greatly affected by individual records to be of 
great value but so far as they go they indicate that women are 
more successful in disguise than men, and the younger penmen 
more successful than Ae older. All of the four subjects whose 
disguises were not penetrated were women (one from the 
older group, three from the younger). Of the eight specimens 
recognized by only one or two judges, four were written by 
men (three of the older, one of the younger group) and four 
by women (three yoimger group, one of the older). The 
best records, so far as disguises are concerned, are made by 
the young women. 

The success of the younger group, particularly those writing 
an immature hand, is not necessarily due to the assumption 
of another graphic individuality. A return to the conventional 
system would cause a confusion of such a specimen with others 
similarly motivated. In a personal letter in which he comments 
upon the specimens used in the present test Mr. Osbom writes 
me : "Writing by those who have not long been doing writing 
outside of school is bound to be similar in many ways and 
when such writing is disguised its individual features may be 
modified and its geheral features remain, which would tend 
to connect specimens written by different writers." Yet this 
is not the whole story. In a few disguised specimens there is, 
very evidently, the assumption of a distinct, yet different. 


individuality. The most interesting disguises are those in 
which there occur such curious changes in style. Some of 
these disguises come from the older group and lead to the 
conclusion that an effective disguise is much more a matter of 
the individual constitution than of age or even sex. 

It has been held that ability to shift handwriting individual- 
ity is akin to ability in acting. But we have as yet no analysis 
of what traits characterize the dramatic type. Holt^ suggests 
that "The actor's is merely the excessively mercurial and labile 
character." From my knowledge of my subjects I should say 
that those showing much facility in the adoption of another 
chirog^phic individuality, were, in the main, much more adapt* 
able, more pliable, than the others. There is, however, one 
rather striking exception to this statement This reagent — 
a girl of the younger group-— is very visual in type and tsdented 
in drawing and fine handicraft. She took pleasure in pro- 
ducing for me an amazing variety of hands. Personally, she 
is of a distinct and somewhat inflexible individuality who 3rields 
slowly to social pressure. She is artistic, rather than imagina- 

Four of the subjects in this test were also reagents in my 
experiments on control processes in handwriting (R, B, S and 
D). For these I have a fairly complete analysis of their 
general procedure in writing. Of the four, two CR and B) 
were highly successful in their disguise and two (S and D) 
very inapt. D (the writer of this paper) was particularly 
poor and that in spite of the fact that she was probably more 
aware than any other person who attempted the disguise of 
the tell-tale pomts in chirography. 

It is certainly significant that the alignment of these subjects 
in the test on handwriting disguise tallies with that found in 
the earlier experiment. R and B belong to the so-called 
"motor" group ; D and S to the "sensory."* Characteristic of 
the first group was the high degree to which writing was 
turned over to automatic control ; characteristic of the second, 
was the maintenance of conscious writing control, usually ac- 
companied by a vivid sense of kinaesthetic sensation. For the 
first two the act of writing is successfully organized and the 
motor impulse smooth and effective. For the latter there is 
consciousness of muscular effort in writing and evidence of 
motor inhibition. 

Interpreted on a conventional habit-basis one might perhaps 

* " The Freudian Wish," 1916, p. 35. 
*Loc. cit, p. i4of. 


expect the first two subjects to be less expert than the other 
two in disguise of hand. But undoubtedly our conventional 
views of habit need reconstruction especially along the line of 
ease in habit-breaking and the relation of this to the mental 
organization and constitution as a whole. Very possibly the 
cue to the interpretation must be sought in the smoothness, 
effectiveness and lack of conflict in the motor impulses 
themselves, which would facilitate both habit-formation and 
quick readjustments. 

A dramatic reaction to the instruction to disguise one's hand, 
in which one initiates and then yields confidently to a g^pho- 
motor pattern somewhat different from his habitual one, is 
more effective in disguise than is an effortful disintegration of 
graphic details, with a constant effort at inhibition of habit. 
That both kinds of disguise may be successfully achieved is, 
however, evident. Psychologically and practicallv they are of 
differing interest. The effortful disguise although it may con- 
ceal its source effectively will give evidence of not being a 
natural hand by inconsistencies, by retouching, and by the pres- 
ence of fantastic forms. This type of disguise is, possibly, 
that most often found in the anonymous letter. The dramatic 
disguise will be less evidently a disguise and in its most suc- 
cessful forms points to an interesting mental type. It occurs 
in certain forms of forgery. 

Meanwhile we note that Klages cites versatility in the shift 
of hands as characteristic of the fluidic personality. Graphic 
virtuosity is evidence of histrionic ability or of the split person- 
ality of the hysteric. The subject is worth investigation both 
in connection with a study of one type of criminal — ^the forger 
— and investigation of the hysteric and of the double person- 
ality. Several possibilities of application suggest themselves 
in connection with the study of the handwriting of the normal 


According to the plans announced in our previous number (p. 175) 
we intend to publish under the above heading from time to time com- 
munications from the business world concerning the problems that 
are met and the methods that are used in regard to the human element 
in business. We have recently received a long and instructive statement 
from the Employment Department of the National Cash Register 
Company, from which the following items are abstracted because of 
their general significance. 

Methods of Improving Human Efficiency. 

Coincident with a cry for greater efficiency there has developed an 
ever increasing demand for trained workers, because it is generally 
recop;nized that efficiency in its last analysis depends on the man on 
the job. Developing the system and equipment of a business is com- 
paratively easy. Developing the human side is a task filled with tre- 
mendous obstacles. Many large business-concerns are constantly striv- 
ing to create their own supply of competent workers, which efforts in 
many cases call for the instruction of the entire force, from the mes- 
senger boy to the head of the firm. 

The various methods of improving the human efficiency in the pres- 
ent concern involve such educational forces as an employees' reading 
room equipped with professional and recreational literature, a publica- 
tion department from which instructive bulletins, leaflets, and pamph- 
lets are issued to the employees at home and "on the road," and an 
auditorium for demonstrations and lectures, the latter frequently illus- 
trated by lantern slides or moving pictures — on topics related to the 
industrial and business activities of the firm. Another, somewhat less 
direct method of educating the employees to higher efficiency is a 
chain of mottoes framed and suspended in the corridors and work- 
rooms. These mottoes express the greatest thoughts of the greatest 
men the world has known. Sometimes these mottoes are printed on 
the pay-envelopes or inserted in the correspondence from the firm to its 

One of the great educational forces are the corporation and con- 
tinuation schools which offer regular class-room instruction in the 
various business activities, such as typewriting, stenography, business 
correspondence, commercial mathematics, industrial engineering, and 
salesmanship. One of the first, if not the firs^ corporation school 
in salesmanship was established in 1894, and it is attended regularly 
by experienced as well as by prospective salesmen. In 191 5 a school 
was held in which newly graduated college men were the pupils. The 
course covers usually five weeks and three sessions are held each year. 
There is a regular outlined course of study with written examinations, 
after the conclusion of which the men are assigned to different districts 
where they continue to work for some time under close supervision. 
On different occasions groups of men return to the factory for addi- 
tional training in order to familiarize them with the industrial processes 
of production. Department heads and senior clerks are encouraged 
to attend for four hours the Alexander Hamilton Institute Courses 


in business administration, finance, and accounting. Now and then 
groups of employees are sent on excursions to important industrial 
and commercial exhibitions, or to salesmen's conventions, or other pro- 
fessional congresses, the firm bearing the larger share of the travelling 

There is also a school for apprentices in the metal trades, which 
in the near future is to be extended to include three other trades repre- 
sented in the plant To this school about forty boys are admitted each 
fall who have completed at least two years of high-school work. They 
are first required to stand a test to prove their fitness and given tem- 
porary employment during the vacation period between the ending of 
the second high-school year and the opening of the trade school. This 
temporary employment is used as a further test of a boy's fitness. 
The boys who are accepted for apprenticeship work one week and go 
to school one week alternately. The school is in session five days per 
week, seven hours per day, for twenty- four weeks, and each boy is 
indentured for four years. On Saturday morning of each school 
week the boys report at the factory for special instruction, in order 
to correlate the school work with the factory work. A special course 
of studies, giving the boys third and fourth year high-school work, 
has been arranged, for the satisfactory completion of which full high- 
school credits may be allowed, so that these boys ma^ receive the 
regular high-school diploma. After graduation from tibis high-school 
two routes are open to the boys. They may continue as apprentices 
until die expiration of the four years, or until, in the opinion of their 
supervisors, they have become proficient tradesmen. Those who follow 
this course will attend a continuation school at least two half days per 
week. Those who elect the other course now enter the G>llege of 
Engineering at the University of Cincinnati, remaining there for five 
years, spending alternately two weeks in college and two weeks in the 
factory. Both, apprentices and collegiate students are paid for the 
time spent in the factory. 

There are several other more subtle ways by which the efiiciency of 
the human element is being improved but which do not readily lend 
themselves to description. The requisites of success as summarized 
by Mr. John H. Patterson are: health, honesty, ability, industry and 
knowledge of business. 


The recruiting system of Germany duringf peacetimes is based upon 
a complete and thoroughly systematized index for every youth of mili- 
tary age. This index is obtained in the following way: 

Every spring, usually in April, military registration-days are held in 
all the larger communities of the empire, on which the youths who 
have passed their seventeenth birthday are obliged to appear at the 
military registration offices for a thorough examination. When a boy 
appears there for the first time, he is given a complete physical examin- 
ation as well as certain sensory tests of vision, hearing, etc. He must 
also state accurately his occupation, previous school training, family 
conditions, plans for the immediate future, and furnish other infor- 
mation required of him by the examiners, who are regular officers of 
the army, army-physicians, and army-clerks. 

If the boy seems acceptable, he is required to return for a final 
examination during the following June, when his previous records are 
checked up and when he as finally assigned to a certain army-branch. 
If the boy is not acceptable, — and the great majority usually are not 
taken in their first year, — hei is merely told to return for the second 
time a year later. At that time he is again fully examined and his 
previous records are corrected as far as that is necessary. If he is 
accepted this time, he has to appear for a final rating in the following 
June, when he is assigned to a certain branch. But many are set 
back for a third year, when the whole method is repeated as in the 
preceding years. Whether he is finally accepted or not, he must ap- 
pear in June for a last re-examination, at which: the former decision 
may be either confirmed or reversed. 

The actual entry into the army for service does not begin until the 
following fall, after the great fall-maneuvers, which are held annually 
in various parts of the empire. The procedure described above holds 
true for all boys who have had only a public school education. Those 
who have completed the rea!schule chr who are still attending higher 
schools may postpone their military service until th^ have completed 
their full course of education, including even their university courses. 
In addition, they also have the privilege^ of entering the army as 
"one-year volunteers," which means that instead of the regular two 
years service in the infantry or cavalry or minor branches (excepting 
artillery) they may^ reduce their jmilitary service to one year, provided 
that during this time they support themselves completely and furnish 
their own military outfits. From their ranks may be drawn the offi- 
cers of the army, both active and reserve-officers, since their higher 
education is accepted as a partial preparation for military training. 

From this description it appears that by far not all German youths 
have to serve in the army; onlv the physically and mentally best fit 
are required to serve Those falling below certain standards, or being 
the sole dependents of their family, are thus exempted. For several 
years after the military service has been concluded, the young men are 
required to drill annually for several weeks, usually m the fall, in 
connection with the fall maneuvers. These men constitute what is 
in peace-times called the "reserves." 

As to die selection of each recruit for a given branch of the army. 


little is known to outsiders, but certain obvious principles are em- 
ployed in the selection. For example, the inan's occupation is of de- 
ciding influence in many cases ; fanners' sons are preferred for cavalry 
and artillery service; the boys along the seacoasts are put into the 
navy, wherever possible^ those who have handled machineiy are pre- 
ferred for the engineenng corps or the aviators, etc, which branch 
includes also many miners. Other requirements are made for men 
who are selected for the ambulance corps. In peace-times at least 
these selections are very carefully made, since the recruiting stations 
have all details of a certain man in well catalogued form, and there 
is the most systematic cooperation between the various stations, so 
that a man f romt one particular part of the country may be assigned 
to a very distant trainmg camp, because it happens to be short of the 
land of men that are wanted for a certain purpose. Of course, there 
are all kinds of exceptions made to the rule that a man must go to 
whatever place or branch he is assigned, if good reasons can be given 
for requesting such an exception. 

The office force which is required to keep this vast organization in 
good functional order is provided entirely by inen serving thein piili- 
tary terms either as officers or as regulars. If a boy volunteers to 
spend twelve years in the army, he is .(provided he can advance during 
his first two years of service to a position of non-commissioned offi- 
cers) given every encouragement to specialize along some particular 
line, either aa a trainer of recruits, or aai clerk in some office, or as 
assistant to higher officers, and the like. At the end of the twelve 
years, the government provides for him a subaltern position in civil 
service, and when he gets too old for that he receives a pension. 
Should he die early, his wife receives a government pension to her 
death. In this wav all the men for the government service in the 
postal and telegrapn as well as in the railroad systems are provided, 
and frequently the men are given police positions in the larger cities. 
In this way the government trains and constantly prq>ares a supply of 
efficient and loyal men for its various branches, and even in private 
life a man with a good military record will receive preference by any 
employer over a man who has not had military training. 


Hugo Munsterberg. The Photoplay, A Psychological Study. D. Ap- 
pleton and Company, New York, 1916, pp. 233. 

This book is chronologically perhaps the last one of the author's 
long list of publications, and as such it throws a new and strong light 
on his theory of values, in particular aesthetic values. 

The two chapters of the Introduction deal with the outer and inner 
development of the moving picture plays. In the first chapter Uie 
author shows the historical development of the mechanical devices 
used in kinematographic machinery, while the second chapter briefly 
points out the changes in complexity of the picture exhibited, from 
such a simple view as that of a galloping horse to dramatic perform- 
ances lasting sometimes several hours. This constantly increasing 
complexity has, according to our author, been responsible for the birm 
of a new art, and consequently he tries to prove that the modem 
photoplay is no longer a cheap substitute for the real drama or a 
photographic reproduction of theatrical perfonnances. He says : '* The 
art of the photoplay has developed so many new features of its own, 
features which have not even any similarity to the technique of the 
stage that the question arises: is it not really a new art which long 
since left behind the mere film reproduction of the theater and whi(£ 
ought to be acknowledged in its own esthetic independence?" 

In order to answer this question the author discusses in the first 
main part of the book,— entitled the Psychology of the Photoplay and 
comprising chapters three to six, — the mental means by which the 
moving pictures impress us and appeal to us, while in the second 
part,— entitled the Esthetics of the Photoplay and including tfie remain- 
ing five chapters,— he examines first the general aim or purpose which 
underlies all artistic creation and the general conditions or means of 
the various arts, and then applies these general principles to a dis- 
cussion of the means, demands, and functions of the photoplay. 

Among the mental means he treats first the induction of illusory 
perceptions of depth and movement which are due entirely to a peculiar 
synthetising activity of the spectator's mind and conflict with his true 
perceptions of the artificial character of the observed scenes. Another 
mental means largely employed in the photoplay is attention, whose 
fluctuating, narrowing, and vivifying character is cleverly utilised, re- 
directed, and enhanced by quick shifts of scenery, by emphasis of the 
pictorial foreground or a snarpening of outlines, and by the "close- 
up," thereby inducing at will all degrees of mental emphasis. Memory 
and imagination are likewise utilized, in as much as the order of the 

Pictures is changeable, for they may be reversed, or later events may 
e anticipated, or interruptions may be introduced by " cut-backs " and 
the like. The use of the emotions is also veiy varied. The expres- 
sions of the emotions may be modified at will by actors as well as by 
the camera, in order to produce desired responses in tiie spectator, and 
the whole surroundings can be controlled and modified so as to heighten 
the emotional effect Here, our author thinks, the photoplay artists, 
writers of scenarios, actors, and stage-directors, have not yet begun 
to realize the many psychological possibilities and advantages which 
their art has over all other arts. 


^n discussing the esthetics of the photoplay, Munsterberg maintains 
t.nat true art never imitates nature, but it isolates its objects so that 
they not only arouse desires and impulses to action, but also satisfy 
them and thereby please and rest the onlooker. This is accomplished 
with material characteristically different from the means employed by 
nature, and therefore the photoplay should not try to approach to 
nature by removing the lack of color and sound. Its true nature is 
summarised by the author thus : *' The photoplay tells us the human 
story by overcoming the forms of the outer world, namely, space, time, 
and causahty and by adjusting the events to the forms of the inner 
world, namdy, attention, memory, imagination, and emotion." Never- 
theless it is subject to certain laws of esthetics, namely, those of unity 
of action and tmity of characters. Its material may be taken from all 
natural sources, but it should not be borrowed from other artistic 
products. The function of the photoplay is as manifold as that of the 
other arts, but its peculiar charm lies m the fact that it projects or 
objectifies the mind's own operations in a way not possible to any 
other art, and therefore it deserves esthetic emancipation and inde- 

Although by necessity argumentative in character, the author's style 
is vivid, forceful and pleasing. The analogies and illustrations are 
chosen with peculiar aptness, revealing a deep knowledge of the sub- 
ject and adding greatly to the convincing force of the presentation. 
There is a suggestion of pioneer rawness in the treatment which, how- 
ever, is softened by another pioneer characteristic, the vision of distant 
horizons and higher ideals. l. r. g. 

Munsterberg, H. Business Psychology, Chicago, LaSalle Extension 
University, 191 7. pp. XI and 296. 

This book is a good presentation of psychology and its results as 
applied to industry and commerce. It begins by showing the place of 
psychology in every walk of life, and the place it must hold in business. 
It lays emphasis on scientific psychology as distinguished from the 
notions of the soul, so current in popular literature. In business it is 
what a man thinks, feels and does that is of importance, and this we 
can find out by studying his mental processes as expressed in bodily 

The Second Part of the book deals with "knowledge" and contains 
discussions on sensations and memory-ideas. A sensation never ap- 
pears pure. It is always mixed with other sensations either of the 
same kind or of different kinds. Perceptions of space, time, form, the 
feeling of awareness and illusions are also discussed. Impressions re- 
main the same in memory as in actual life; a color does not become 
dull, a sound not weak ; there may, however, be a change of vividness. 
"All our remembering is a renewing of those brain processes which 
at first are started from our sense organs." But "the individual dif- 
ferences in the ability to renew earlier impressions are very great," and 
"these differences are of thousand-fold importance in the business 
world." It is of importance to know how a person learns and remem- 
bers in order to make him efficient. 

The Third Part is called "Interest" and deals with attention, and 
feelings and emotions. In the great mass of reality that surrounds 
us we single out certain facts. "The great means of the mind for 
this end is the mechanism of attention/' "The safest way and the 
most effective (of securing attention) is that which makes use of the 
existing dispositions for actions." It " needs frequent changes in order 


to stir up ever new reactions.'' Fatigue affects it; after three or four 
hours of work it is greatly diminished. The so-called monotony of 
the work is not so diangerous to attention as the shifting over from 
one work to another. This wears out the "mentel energies" more 
in making the necessary adjustment The application of the principles 
of attention to the problem of selling is important, and the possibilities 
here great But since so much depends upon Uie feelings and the 
emotions it is necessary to take these into consideration. As the indi- 
viduals differ it is necessary at first to call forth only a general feeling 
of pleasantness. A well-proportioned arrangement, charming colors, 
appeal to the humor, gracefulness and politeness bring the purchaser- 
to-be into a comfortable mood, and the first point is gained. 

Part Four — ^Activities— deals with impulse and will, suggestion, the 
acquirement of abilities, the outer and the inner conditions of efficiency. 
Our so-called will-power is nothing but the tendency of our impres- 
sions, perceptions, or ideas to transform themselves into action. A 
physical act is not at the end when mind takes hold of it; it is inhibited 
or acted out in an automatic way. The question then is to supply 
stimuli that call forth the reaction wanted. This might be done by 
suggestion, which can suppress more or less completely any idea that 
opposes the action desired. The removal of the opposing idea may 
taike place in one of three ways, or in all three: by re-enfordng the 
suggested idea, by undermining the opposing idea or by heightening 
the suggestibility of the subject This can be done only by experience 
and by observing one's own former mistakes. 

Both outer and inner conditions effect productivity to a great extent 
It seems trivial that such a small matter as a quarter of an inch on the 
length of a sewing needle or one inch on the height of a chair should 
make any difference in the amount of a day's work, and still it does. 
An overfatigued, an intoxicated, or an emotionally upset mind pro- 
duces unsatisfactory results. 

Part Five — Individual Differences — deals with the problem of finding 
the right man for the right position. This becomes important, if we 
consider " that in a well-known steel mill 26,000 workers pass annually 
through the institution in order to maintain an average working force 
of 8,000." For this reason vocational bureaus have been established 
with good results. Psychology is now ready to contribute something 
to the solution of the problem. The so-called group psychology and 
correlation psychology can be used to a certain extent. Graphology 
and phrenology must be discarded altogether. The Blackford plan 
falls short in many ways. Consequently the well-selected mental test 
experiments constitute the only method by which the mental fitness of 
men for special work can be fotmd out beforehand in a reliable way." 
In the meantime some practical tests may be performed on the sensa- 
tion, perception, memory, association, attention, feelings, and reaction 
time. A man might improve himself, but he remains essentially of the 
type that he belongs to, and the sooner he recognizes that, the better 
it is for him and for society, which may have a place for that type 
to which he belongs. 

The first half of the book deals with psychology and the second half 
with its application to industry and commerce. For the psychologist 
there is nothing new in the book, and while the author presents the 
problems fairly, nevertheless conveys the impression that they are 
simpler than they are in reality. It is a popular presentation of the 

subject KARL J. KABLSON. 


Gantt, H. L. Work, Wages, and Profits, Second Edition Revised and 
Enlarged. The Engineering Magazine Company, New York, 1916. 
pp. 292 and index. 

The author of this work is a well-known expert in factory man- 
agement, at one time associated with the late F. W. Taylor, and for 
years connected with the Midvale Steel Company. His book is made 
up of chapters delivered as addresses at business schools or elsewhere 
and published separately, for the most part serially in The Engineering 
Magazine. The first edition appeared in 1910^ the second in 1912. The 
present issue is a revision and enlargement of the second. The in- 
crease of fifty per cent, in the size of the work has not resulted in a 
corresponding increase in the value, for the three new chapters either 
restate or illustrate the general principles. 

Gear in statement and ample in particular instance, the book is the 
expression of optimism in industrial life where many have seen but a 
return to economic enslavement and personal degradation. This op- 
timism is made to apply to both employer and employee; but the in- 
terest of the author is unquestionably that of the business man rather 
than of the workman. '* The ratio of what can be done to what is done 
is even greater than three' to one in work requiring skill and planning." 
Any suggestions that lead to so marked an increase in production are 
welcome, but the crying need of normal times is not greater production 
but a more equitable division of products, in short, higher wages. 

Mr. Gantt is not so far out of harmony with his age, nevertheless, 
as to neglect the subject of higher wages. It is his belief, however, 
that greater production means higher wages. Accordingly, he devotes 
all his energies to a study of efficiency, not of machinery but of work- 
men. For the trade union he would substitute an efficient system of 
utilizing labor. The business man should employ such experts as Mr. 
Gantt to study the best methods of work. Laborers should be care- 
fully supervised, gradually trained, and finally rewarded according to 
the labor performed. 

Pay the best men well on a piece-work basis; the others you may 
leave on day work. Reward foremen for instructing the workers. 
Make all rewards permanent. Work according to carefully planned 
tasks and schedules. 

*'Bu3ang labor is one of the most important operations in modem 
manufacturing." High wages mean, not greater well-being, higher 
culture or safer democracy, but lower cost and accordingly greater 

The assumptions regarding human nature apply more to the skilled 
than the unskilled worker. "A task has a psychological effect which 
is very striking." " Habits of industry are far more Suable than any 
kind of knowledge." Intelligent men are interested in learning. Earn- 
ing a greater reward holds we interest and therefore lightens the task ; 
but we may ask whether this holds good indefinitely. Learning to obey 
is bound up with close supervision. There is a general moral tonic 
that comes from the need of co-operation, for one man sees that if he 
does not do his share of a process his fellow-worker suffers. 

To the educator, to the psychologist, to the student of civilization, 
this emphasis upon training in economic efficiency, comparable some- 
what to the old apprenticeship and the modem technical school, is of 
absorbing interest Alongside of education for citizenship we are to 
have education in the efficient production of material goods. Training 
men to work to advantage has been difficult and painful. Slavery, 
serfdom and the factory system have been landmarks in the process. 


To the slave-driver, the lord's bailiff, and the efficiency expert have 
been given the unheroic but apparently necessary parts in the drama of 
taming man. The lazy, improvident and wasteful Adam has become 
No. 999 working under the stop-watch. n. s. b. gras. 

Joseph A. Mosher. The Essentials of Public Speaking. The Mac- 
Millan Company, New York, 191 7. pp. xv and 207. 

Professor Mosher's book aims to embody in clear and concise form 
the essentials of practical extempore speaking. It does not aspire to 
the rank of a work on oratory, but is confined to the more restricted 
area of practical address, calculated to minister to the requirements of 
the great body of students, teachers, lawyers, doctors, business men, 
and similar people who need to express their ideas clearly, forcefully, 
and practically. The author explains that the book is the outcome of 
his experience in helping men — students, business and professional men 
— to develop their ability to speak effectively. 

This restriction of the scope of the volume constitutes both its merits 
and its limitations. The reviewer will hazard the guess that in its 
preparation Professor Mosher had chiefly in mind the needs of the 
busy professional man whose time and patience alike are more closely 
bounded than those of the college student His problem accordingly 
turns out to be to compress into two hundred pages the guiding rults 
of extempore speaking, with explanation and illustration enough to 
make them carry over into the resulting work of the reader. Needless 
to say, this is no easy task; but one cannot avoid the feeling that at 
times brevity has overreached itself. For instance, on page sixteen we 
find the following discussion of the proper function of the conclusion. 
"Rounding Out the Speech 

" The speaker should aim in the conclusion to convey the impression 
of completeness, of having rounded out the address in a finished and 
satisfying manner. 

"II. Clinching the Central Idea 

** The conclusion also affords an opportunity for a final embodiment 
of the speaker's message in such concise and untrammeled form that 
his listeners will carry the essentials away with them. 

"III. Arousing Enthusiasm and Exhorting to Action 

" Finally, the speaker should try, whenever the nature of the subject 
warrants it, to arouse enthusiasm for the views set forth. Although 
ever mindful of the emotions of the audience, the speaker has aimed 
' chiefly in the development to appeal to the mind, to convince. Now, 
having established the fotmdation of conviction, he is in a position to 
appeal more directly and intensely to the emotions. At this point is 
afforded, also the best opportunity to appeal for action in case such a 
response is desired." 

This excerpt serves to illustrate an admirable feature of the book — 
its headings and sub-headings. There is seldom any doubt concerning 
what the author is doing from beginning to end, for his subject matter 
has been carefully classified and subdivided, and has been clearly sum- 
marized at the end of each chapter. The author may also be congratu- 
lated on his choice of illustrations. Although some of our old friends 
appear, notably Burke's Conciliation Speech and Lincoln's Gettysburg 
Address, fresh material and a new generation of speakers enliven many 
of the pages, for instance. President Wilson, Henry Van Dyke, Ex- 
Governor Hughes. Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., speaking to the em- 
ployees of the Colorado Iron and Fuel Company, and G. Lowes Dick- 
inson on the League to Enforce Peace. 


A teacher of public speaking who has been especially interested in 
argumentation (which indeed comprises most public speaking, and 
which is most often in the mind of the author in writiniBf this book, 
will be inclined to regret that the student is left, in the discussion of 
the preparation of the speech, with only an outline, and is not fur- 
nished with even the essentials of a brief. An outline, such as printed 
on pages 94 and 95, tends too easily to suggest exactly that " inconse- 
quential series of ideas" which Professor Mosher deplores on page 
105. A brief is the most effective remedy for this very common fault 
in public speaking. 

The reading of the Essentials of Public Speaking emphasizes anew 
the part which the instructor plays in any course on oral address. No 
text-book has been, and it is safe to say, no text-book will be, written 
which will take the place of a careful and sympathetic instructor. But 
those who wish a brief account of the essentials of extempore speaking 
will not go astray if they consult Professor Mosher's volume. 


William Stern. The Psychological Methods of Testing IntelKgence. 
Translated from the German by Guy Montrose Whipple. War- 
wick and York, Baltimore, 1914. pp. A and 160. 

The author in the preface states the general purpose of the book. 
Intelligence testing is one of the most promising fields of applied 
psychology, using that term in the strictest sense. "For this reason 
I wanted to make this survey of it accessible to wider circles of readers 
outside the psychological profession, especially to teachers of normal 
and of backward children, to school administrative authorities, to 
school physicians, to specialists in nervous and in children's diseases, 
and to those engaged in child welfare work." 

The author begins with the nature and problem of testing intelligence, 
dividing this section into a treatment of Intelligence and Intelligence 
Testing and Practical Problems of Intelligence Testing. He defines 
Intelligence as "A general capacity of an individual consciously to 
adjust his thinking to new requirements; it is general mental adapta- 
bility to new problems and conditions of life. The author gives a 
timely warning that psychological tests must not be overestimated, as 
" if they were complete and automatically operative measures of mind. 
At most they are the psychographic minimum that gives us a first 
orientation concerning individuals about whom nothing else is known, 
and they are of service to complement and to render comparable and 
objectively gradable other observations — ^psychological, pedagogical, 
medical — ^not to replace these." 

He then discusses the single tests and series of tests, devoting a 
section to the inadequacy of the single test The monograph is largely 
a treatment of the method of age — gradation (Binet-Simon method). 
The author compiles the results of many of the investigations in whidh 
the Binet-Simon method has been used and subjects it to criticism, 
offering suggestions for the improvement and reorganization of some 
of the tests. The last section of the book is devoted to the estimation 
and testing of finer gradations of intelligence (with the aid of the 
method of ranks). This section has a very practical bearing on school 
work. It should be said that the Bibliography is complete, considering 
the fact that the book was written in 1912. 

Stem's monograph is a most valuable contribution to applied psy- 
chology, and Whipple's excellent translation of it should be very 
warmly received by all interested in mental testing. 

University of Illinois. john a. stevenson. 


Ellsworth Huntington. Cknligation and Climate. New Haven: 
Yale University Press, 1916, 2d edition, xii+333 pp. 

In an investigation of the influence of climate upon civilization, Dr. 
Huntington brings forward evidence from various sources, — from his 
explorations in Turkestan, in Mexico, in Central America and else- 
where; from his statistical studies of the weekly output of factories 
and of the weekly grades obtained by students in the classroom; and 
in numerous instances he cites from the work of other investigators. 
This mass of evidence indicates that climate is an influential factor in 
determining what degree of civilzation shall obtain in a given region. 
Migration to a less stimulating climate leads to a decrease in mental 
and physical energy; and this m turn gives rise to a decreased resist- 
ance to disease, and to a lesser efficiency in overcoming difficulties and 
in adapting to new conditions. Even in a given region, physical 
strength and mental efficiency are found to vary with the climatic 
changes of the seasons. 

In numerous instances, however, ruins of ancient cities show that 
at one time civilization flourished in regions where the climate is 
now so arid that life is difficult The author meets this apparent 
objection to his general view by citing evidence to show that climates 
have changed with tiie lapse of time. He advances a 'pulsatoiy hypo- 
thesis' which holds that the past was in' general more moist than the 
present and that alternations of moist and dry have recurred in great 
cycles. An examination of the annual growth of trees (as revealed in 
cross-sections of the Sequoia trees of California, some of which are 
more than three thousand years old) supports this hypothesis. There 
seems reason to believe, for instance, that the beginning of the Chris- 
tian era was moist and that the seventh century was dry; and that at 
times when the climate of a givoi region was favorable, the inhabi- 
tants possessed a maximum of virile energy. 

The author |iresents a number of maps showing the present dis- 
tribution of civilization. These -maps are based upon replies re- 
ceived from one hundred and thirty-seven geographers, anthropolo- 
gists and others who had been asked to assign values to various 
geographical regions indicating their rank as contributors to civili- 
zation. • 

A chapter which is of special interest to readers of this Journal 
reports the results of a statistical investigation of weekly variations 
in the efficiency of factory operatives and of students. The operatives 
were selected from factories in Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Georgia 
and Florida. All of their tasks demanded speed and accuracy, but 
they included such diverse activities as the polishing and packing of 
hinges, the making of cigars, the assembling of parts of motors, etc. ; 
and since it was all 'piece-work' one seems justifled in inferring that 
the operatives worked at approximately maximum efficiency through- 
out. It was found that efficiency varies with the seasons, rising to a 
maximum in the spring and again in the fall; and sinking to a mini- 
mum at midsummer and again at midwinter. A isurvey of the weekly 
averages obtained by students at Annapolis and West Point shows a 
similar variation of mental efficiency with the seasons. 

Dr. Huntington's book is a valuable contribution to the literature. 
The author displays a high degree of jngenuity and insight in the 
discussion of his problems ; and he marshals his evidence in convincing 
fashion. The book should be read by every student of applied psy- 

Clark University. J. W. B. 


Walter B. Swift. A Psychological Analysis of Stuttering. Journal 
of Abnormal Psychology, October-Novcmbier, 1915. Studies in 
Speech Disorder, No, s, The Speech in Athetosis, Review of 
Neurology and Psychiatry, April, 1916. The Possibility of Voice 
Inheritance, Review of Neurology and Psychiatry, March, 1916. 

In the first article the author shows that a complete, automatic visua- 
lization process may be developed by vocal drill in cases where pre- 
viously there was total absence of all these visualization processes dur* 
ing speech. In relation to the stuttering, the symptoms disappeared 
in proportion as the picturing processes developed. This may there- 
fore be considered as the "new treatment indicated" in the article 
in the Journal of Abnormal Psychology. I next plan to present a long 
series of such cases so treated, presenting both the original absence of 
picturing and its final development By that time I think I will be ready 
to give out my system of treatment in final form. 

Tiie second article shows that athetoid speech is a constant variation 
in vowel form and consonant sound, clear only when correctly struck 
during the constantly changing contractions, or when, during rare 
moments of relaxation, the sounds are hit before contractions occur. 

In this paper I claim abundant evidence to show the possibility of 
voice inheritance, (i) Literature on eugenics and cacogenics shows 
that bone shapes are probably inherited. (2} The nose of the Indians, 
and the Greeks, and tiie Jews, prove this pretty conclusively. (3) The 
lower animals afford data that put this thesis beyond doubt Thus it 
is proved that bone forms are inherited. Then what is contained in 
them is also inherited, and therefore the functions that those cavity 
shapes subserve, such as vocal quality and utterance, are likewise 

W. B. Swift. 

J. E. W. Walun. Criminal Irresponsibility, Journal of Delinquency, 
Vol. I, November, 191 6. 

The author shows that the misuse of the plea of moral irresponsi- 
bility on the basis of " temporary insanity " or " emotional insanity " or 
the like has started a reaction among legal and lay students of crime 
against the axiom of treating irresponsible criminals primarily as 
irresponsible and only secondanly as criminal. The difficulty has been - 
rather enhanced by extending the meaning of such terms as feeble- 
mindedness, criminal imbecility, insanity, and psycho];>athic constitu- 
tion. The author states that "it has not yet been conclusively shown 
that alleged 'feeble-minded persons' with Binet mentalities of from 
X to XII are incapable of forming moral judgments, of understanding 
the qualities of right and wrong acts, and of choosing right acts and of 
avoiding wrong acts." He agrees with Tredgold's concept of feeble- 
mindedness and believes that "in the end, we shall make greater and 
more permanent progress, if we err in the direction of conservatism, 
and if we suspend judgment on moot questions pending the accumula- 
tion of further experimental data.'' 



Edwasd K. Strong, Jr. The Factors Affecting a Permanent Impres- 
sion Developed Through Repetition, Journal of Experimental Psy- 
chology. Vol. i, August, 1916. 

The experiments reported in this article were made with full, half, 
and quarter page advertisements arranged in four dummy magazines 
in such a way that each advertisement was seen four times. These 
four repetitions occurred in the first set of tests at the same sitting, 
in the second set, at intervals of one day, in the third set, at intervals 
of one week, and in the fourth set (previously reported in the March, 
1914, Psychological Review) ^ at intervals of one month. The same 
advertisements were then rearranged among a group of new advertise- 
ments, and four weeks after the first exposure (except in the case of 
the fourth set, when the second exposure occurred sixteen weeks after- 
wards), the same people were tested to determine how many of the first 
class of advertisements were recognised as having been seen repeatedly 
before. The problem was to find out the relative value of size, fre- 
quency, and time-interval for producing the most lasting eflFect on the 
reader's memory. The number of observers for the four sets of ex- 
periments varied between 18 and 25, totalling 38 men and 48 women. 

Among the many significant results the following are pointed out 
as of special interest. The first presentation is more effective for 
large than for small advertisements, that is, the smaller profit more 
by repetition than the larger. The time-interval of a few minutes 
between repeated presentations has the greatest effect upon the full 
page, and the least effect upon the quarter page advertisement. The 
interval of one month is the least favorable regardless of size. With 
regard to size, the results of a previous investigation were confirmed 
which indicated that "the attention-value of space increases approxi- 
mately as the square-root of the increase in area" and sometimes as 
much as 25 or 30% more. Another fact previously established was 
confirmed, namely, that "the same total amount of space is more ef- 
fective when used in large amounts than when used in small amounts 
but more frequently." More important than size, repetition, and length 
of time-interval between repetitions is the factor of the number of 
advertisements seen at one time; the larger this number, the less per- 
manent is the impression received from any one of them. u R. G. 

Agostino Gemeixi. The Application of Psychophysical Methods to 
the Examination of Candidates for Aviation-Service. (With four 
illustrations, thirteen diagrams, and four tables). Riznsta di Psi- 
cologia, August, 1917. 
This research was carried on during 1916 in the Italian war-zone, 
under the auspices of the Minister of War, and reported at the Con- 
gress of the Society of Scientific Progress, April, 19 17. The present 
article is mostly a description of the methods employed, with a few 
results given mostly as illustrations of what can be expected from the 
methods. The latter consist of two parts, the ascertainment of the 
psychical profile according to Rossolimo, and the graphic records of 
circulation, respiration, and blood-pressure taken befote, during, and 
after flights. Rossolimo calls for the measurement of sensory, muscu- 
lar, and mixed reaction-times to visual, tactual, and auditory stimuli, 
which were obtained both before and after flight The latter show 
uniform retardations of from 6 to 45 sigma with frequently much 
smaller mean variations. The "emotional resistance" was tested by 
pneumographic and plethysmographic records while hearing stimulus- 
words referring to events connected with aviation, and especially to 


personal experiences of that kind. Other tests required by the Rosso- 
limo profile were measures of concentration and range of attention, of 
the capacity to recognize accurately, to judge quiddy, to reproduce 
well, and to perceive colors, and of general powers of observation. A 
maximal score of ten points may be obtained in each of these twelve 
items, and a curve of the actual scores obtained represents the "psy- 
chical profile." Five samples illustrate the ideal type, the partial, and 
the complete failure. 

Especially interesting are the results of the changes in circulation, 
respiration, and blood-pressure during various stages of flying and at 
altitudes to well above three thousand meters, which are illustrated by 
eight diagrams. From these data the author draws the conclusion that 
candidates for aviation should be free from the slightest traces of 
irregularities, from symptoms of diathesis which predispose the indi- 
vidual to quick and sudden changes in circulation and respiration or 
which lower his "emotional resistance." Other results showed that 
even short flights to low altitudes result in marked mental exhaustions 
with all classes of aviators, the most experienced not excepted. This 
fact may account for many accidents which are otherwise unexplain- 
able. The author places no faith in retrospective accounts by avi- 
ators of their personal experiences during flying, for several reasons. 
He is continuing his experiments and perfecting apparatus for giving 
more reliable records during flight l. r. g. 

The following books have been received '.^ 
George Thomas White Patrick. The Psychology of Relaxation. 

Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1916. 
Mary E. Thompson. Psychology and Pedagogy of Writing. Warwick 

and York, Inc., Baltimore, 1911. 
Meyer Bloomfield. The Vocational Guidance of Youth. Houghton 

Mifflin Company, Boston, 1911. 
Irving R. Allen. Personal Efficiency, Applied Salesmanship, and Sales 

Administration. LaSalle Extension University, Chicago, 1915. 
Harrington Emerson. The Twelve Principles of Efficiency. Fifth 

Edition. The Engineering Magazine Company, New York, 1917. 
Herbert J. Hall and Mertice M. C. Buck. The Work of Our Hands. 

Moffat, Yard and Company, New York, 191 5. 
H. Addington Bruce. The Riddle of Personality. Moffat, Yard and 

Company, New York, 1915. 
Henry Foster Adams. Advertising and Its Mental Laws. The Mac- 

Millan Company, New York, 191 7. 
Robert S. Carroll. The Mastery of Nervousness Based upon Self* 

Reeducation. The MacMillan Company, New York, 1917. 
H. L. Holungsworth and A. T. Poffenberger. Applied Psychology. 

D. Appleton and Company, New York, 1917. 

^Mention here does not preclude further comment 


The following is a complete list of Appointees for Psychological 
Examining in the National Aemy reported October i, 1917, by Pro- 
fessor Yerkes, Major in the Sanitaiy Corps and Chairman of the 
Psychology Committee of the National Research Council, Washington, 
D. C: 

(i) Staff of section of Psychology in Office of the Surgeon General, 
Washington: Major Robert M. Yerkes in charge of section, Lieut 
Arthur S. Otis in charge of statistical work of section. 

(2) Lieutenants Clarence S. Yoakum^ Marion R. Trabue, Jos. W. 
Hayes and Wm. S. Foster to serve as Chief Psychological Examiners 
in Canips Lee, Taylor, Dix and Devens respectively. 

(3) The foUowmg to serve as Psychological Examiners with rank 
of Lieutenant in Sanitary Corps: 

In Camp Lee— George O. Ferguson, Jr., Walter S. Hunter and Ed- 
ward S. Jones. 

In Camp Taylor — Karl T. Waugh, Heber B. Cummings and Edgar 
A. Doll. 

In camp Dix — Harold A. Richmond, Herschel T. Manuel and Carl 
C. Brigham. 

In camp Devens — ^John E. Anderson, Horace B. English and John 
T. Metcalf. 

(4) In addition to the above commissioned examiners the following 
men have been given civil appointment for psychological examining: 

In Camp Lee — Leo T. Brueckner, Donald D. Paterson, A. S. Ed- 
wards, Rudolph Pintner, Benjamin F. Pittenger and Ben D. Wood. 

In Camp Taylor — ^James W. Bridges, J. Crosby Chapman, John K. 
Norton, Eugene C. Rowe, J. David Houser and Cf. P. Stone. 

In Camp Dix — Thomas H. Haines, Norbert J. Melville, H. P. Shum- 
way, Thomas M. Stokes, John J. B. Morgan and C. C. Stech. 

In Camp Devens — ^Raymond H. Wheeler, Harold C. Bingham, Carl 
R. Brown, Chester E. Kellogg, Ralph S. Roberts, and Charles H. Toll. 

Summary Report from Psychology Committee of the National Re- 
search Council for the Director of the Council of National Defense. 
During the past month the activities of the Psychology Committee 
have greatly increased, both in variety and extent The following list 
includes the most noteworthy lines of work: 

(a) Perfecting of methods and plans for the Psychological Exam- 
ining of enlisted men in four National Army Cantonments. In each 
cantonment a staff of ten psychologists, assisted by fifty or more en- 
listed men detailed from the ranks, will, during October and Novem- 
ber, systematically examine the thirty to forty thousand enlisted men 
in the camp. It is believed that the Psychological Examining will 
result in the elimination of from one to two per cent of men who by 
reason of mental defect are unfit for military service; that in the 
second place it will supply company commanders with invaluable in- 
formation concerning the intellectual ability and probable serviceable- 
ness of their men. 

(b) As a development from the work of the Psychology Committee, 
a Committee on Classification of Personnel has been organized in the 

NOTES 395 

War Department This consists of a number of scientific men chieflv 
psychologists and employment experts, working in cooperation wim 
representatives of the various bureaus of the War Department 

To this committee various problems of personnel have already been 
referred by the Department 

In each National Army Cantonment, a personnel officer, with the rank 
of captain, has been appointed and supplied with suitable facilities for 
securing information concerning the occupational training and experi- 
ence of every man. This information is obtained immediately on re- 
port of the man to the camp. The personal record cards are filed in 
the central office at or near Division Headquarters and are already 
being systematically used by Division Staff officers in the assignment 
of men for special kinds of service. Everything indicates that this 
systematic handling of the vocational problem in connection with mili- 
tary service will result in greatly increased efficiency and personal 
satisfaction to enlisted men. 

The Committee has also undertaken to assist the Signal Corps in the 
organization of examining boards and methods for the selection of 
men to be commissioned in aviation service. Several psychologists 
have already been recommended for commissions as captains in the 
Signal Corps to aid in this way. 

Certain members of the Committee are cooperating with the Quarter- 
master Department in the development of plans for the classification 
and assignment of men from the Officers' Training Camp of the 
Quartermaster Corps. 

The work initiated by Dr. Scott in the first series of Officers' Train- 
ing Camps has been ordered continued and extended to all of the 
second series of camps. It involves the use of personal record sheets 
which supply ratings of individuals on the basis on which selection 
for commissions may be made. 

(c) Work initiated by Dr. Dodge of the Psychology Committee, 
directed toward the development of methods of selecting men for vari- 
ous kinds of naval service, has continued and been extended in various 
directions. One group of "Dodge Methods" of measurement has re- 
cently been ordered to use on the main fleet 

There are various other subsidiary lines of psychological service 
more or less directly related to military activities. In general it may 
be said that from the organization and early work of uie Psychology 
Committee of the National Research Council have already developed 
many more lines of fruitful and apparently immediate serviceable en- 
deavor than the members of the committee dreamt of. 
Respectfully submitted, 

Robert M. Yerkes, 
Major Sanitary Corps, Chairman Psychology Committee 

National Research Council, 

Ed. — As a supplement to the report given above we hope to print in 
our next issue detailed statements about the work of the various sub- 
committees mentioned under (b) and (c), especially of the Personnel 
Committee represented by Professor Bingham, of the work in connec- 
tion with naval service, by Professor Dodge, and with aviational ser- 
vice, by Professor Watson. 

Doctors Arthur S. Otis and Truman L. Kelley have been appointed 
members of the psychological staff in the Office of the Surgeon General 
with special responsibility for statistical work and the revision of 
methods of examining. 

The Committee on Classification of Personnel in the Army has been 
appointed by Secretary Baker and placed under the jurisdiction of the 

396 NOTES 

Adjutant General. This Committee has organized and is directing the 
occupational census and classification of the men in the National 
Army; has installed in the second series of Reserve Officers' Train- 
ing Camps the system of personal records and ratings by which the 
men will be selected for commission; has cooperated with the Signal 
Corps, the Quartermastsr Corps and other arms of the service in 
preparing application forms, qualification records, and other aids in 
sifting and assigning personnel ; and has stimulated research on quali- 
fications desired in aviators and on tests for selecting recruits to be 
trained for special duties. On the scientific staff of the Committee are 
the following psychologists : Walter Dill Scott, Director ; E. L. Thorn- 
dike, Chairman; W. V. Bingham, Executive Secretary; James R. 
Angell, R. Dodge, R. B. Perry, J. F. Shepard, E. K. Strong, Jr., J. 
B. Watson, R. M. Yerkes, L. M. Terman. Dr. Terman gives up his 
work with the Committee to return to Stanford University October i. 
Dean Angell has leave of absence from the University of Chicago and 
will be in Washington until January i. The other members of the 
Committee are all giving part or full time to the work in Washington. 
They have the cooperation of R. C. Qothier, H. L. Gardner and six- 
teen other employment managers, of several army officers, and of a 
few volunteer assistants. 

The Bureau of Education at Washington has recently issued a Bul- 
letin, 1917, No. 9, on Department-Store Education, an Account of the 
Training Methods Developed at the Boston School of Salesmanship 
under the Direction of Lucinda IVyman Prince, by Helen Rich Norton, 
Associate Director, School of Salesmanship, Women's Educational and 
Industrial Union, Boston, Mass., from which the following extracts 
may prove of general interest to the readers of this Journal : 

The purpose of the Boston School of Salesmanship is fourfold: 
(i) "to make advancement in the profession of selling depend on 
efficiency and not on years of service," (2) "to increase the pupil's 
(intellectual) power and judgment," (3) "to discover whether or not 
a girl is fitted for the vocation of selling," and (4) " to give the girls 
worthy standards of all kinds." The course of study includes the 
subjects of salesmanship, textiles, general merchandise, hygiene and 
physical education, arithmetic, store system, English, color, and de- 
sign. In 1909 a class for teachers of salesmanship was inaugurated 
which in 1913 became affiliated with Simmons College. The members 
of this class devote their mornings to the observation of the methods 
of teaching, practice teaching, individual coaching and a conference 
with the director. The afternoon sessions are devoted to the study 
of applied psychology, education, textiles, and economics or welfare 
work from an economic standpoint. 

The course in applied psychology consists of the following work: 
"Ordinary business situations are examined in order to analyze out 
of them some of their psychological principles. The work involves 
a review of the fundamental principles of psychology, an application 
of these principles to various department store methods, and a study 
of the increased efficiency in department store transactions that may 
be developed through the conscious application of psychological prin- 
ciples." ~ — 

The success of the whole undertaking was so remarkable that Mrs. 
Prince, the director of the school, was asked to introduce the teaching 
of salesmanship in some of the Boston high-schools. In 1916 ten high- 
schools offered such a course which was attended by about 800 girls. 
In a similar manner courses of salesmanship have been introduced in 
the evening classes of the continuation schools. 


(The subject headings of all contributions except Book Reviews and 
Notes are printed in small capitals.) 

Abilities, Estimates of 123 

Adjustments, Mental 291 

Advertising and Famillarity 

OF Articles, 275 ; Principles 

and Technique, 296 

Alternative Mental Tests, 134 
Announcements, Editors* i 

Appued Psychology, What 

it is, 46 

Articles, Commercial Brands 

OF, 275 

Attitude of Business Man 

TO Psychology 175 and 380 
Aviation-Service, Tests for 392 


Music 342 

BiNET Method, Compared 
With Point Scale, hi 

Business and Psychology, 
214 and 385; Correspon- 
dence, 220; Efficiency, Psy- 
chology of, 96 ; Its Human 
Element, 175 ; Attitude 
To Psychology, 175 and 380; 
Organization, 192 

Character and Intelligence, 
195 ; AND Vocational Guid- 
ance, 253; Formation and 
its Mechani&m, 294; Quau- 
TiEs, Their Military 
Value, 305 

Child, Prodigious, ioi ; 
White and Negro Com- 
pared, 71 

Climate and Civilization, 390 

College Students, Mental 
Testing, 38 

Commercial Brands of Arti- 
cles, 275 

Comparison of White and 
Negro Children, 71 

Correspondence, Improving 
Business, 220 

Criminal Irresponsibility, 391 ; 
Woman, her Mentali^, 91 

Curves of Work and Satis- 
fyingness 265 

Disguised Handwriting, 368 
Drawing, Psychology of, 93 

Economic Psychology Asso- 
ciation, 97 
Educational Measurements, 192 
Efficiency, Business, 96; Effect 
of Humidity on, 194; Psy- 
chology OF, 176 
Engineering, Human, 161 
Evaluation of Abilities, 123 

Firemen and Poucemen, 

Tests, 17 

Foreword, 5 

Handwriting Disguise, 368 

Human Element in Busi- 
ness, 175; Engineering, 161 
Humidity and Efficiency, IQ4 

Hygiene, Mental, 67 

Industrialism and Applied 
Psychology, 180 

In Memoriam : Munsterberg 186 

Intelugence; Measuring, 
hi; Measurement of, 191; 
and Character, 195; Test- 
ing, 389 

Interests and Vocational 
Glhdance, 253 

Irresponsibility, Criminal, 391 

Juvenile Mentality Testing, 292 

LEGiBiLirv OF Tfxephone Di- 
rectory, 30 

Measuring Intelligence, hi 
and 191 

Mechanism of Character For- 
mation, 294 

Memory of Names and Faces 321 

Mental Adjustments, 291; and 
Pedagogical Tests, 17 ; 
Hygiene, 67 and 97; Work 
and Ventilation, 94 

Mentality of Criminal 
Woman, Qi ; Testing of 
College Students, 38 



Methods of Chicking Re- 
sults, • 6i 

MiuTASY Value op Chakac- 
TES Qualities, 305 

Moral Issues and Applied 
Psychology, 232 

MoBON As Was Pboblem, 317 

Motives and Vocational 
Guidance, 253 


186; Vocational Tests, 201 
Music, Avocational GxnD- 
ANCE In, 342 

National Sebvicb and Psy- 
chology, 301 

Natural Sciences and Psy- 
chology, 144 

Negro Children Compared 
With White, 71 

Neuropathologies, Treat- 
ment OF, 244 

Notes and News 
Boston School of Salesman- 
ship, 396; Carnegie Insti- 
tute, Pittsburgh, 299; Chi- 
cago University, 298; Col- 
umbia University, 97; Eco- 
nomic Psychology Associa- 
tion, New York, 97; Na- 
tional Service, 300 and 3g4; 
San Francisco, 97; Univer- 
sity of Illinois, 298; Uni- 
versity of Iowa, 299 

Pedagogical Tests for Fire- 
men AND Policemen, 17 

Permanent Impression 
Through Repetition of Ad- 
vertisements, 392 

Photoplay, Miinsterberg, 384 

Point- Scale Method, Com- 
pared With Binet Scale, 
III ; For Measuring Mental 
Ability, 189 

Policemen and Firemen, 
Tests for, 17 

Problems and Methods of 
Vocational Psychology, 89 

Prodigious Child, Psychol- 
ogy OF, lOI 

Psycho-Educational Ginic, 
Report, 198 

Psychology and War, 9; As 
Applied to the Natural 
Sciences, 144 

Psychopathics, Treatment 


Public Speaking, 

Recruiting System in Gat- 
MANY, 382 

Salesmanship, Science and 

Art of, 90; Psychology of, 96 
Satisfyingness and Work, 265 
Scale of Performance Tests, 
293; Point and Binet 
Compared, hi 

Science and Art of Salesman- 
Sidetracking of Stuttering, 
Standard Methods for Juven- 
iles, 292 
"Starters" in Stuttering, 84 
Stenographers, Tests for, 268 
Stuttering, Analysis of, 391 ; 
Sidetracking Through 
"Starters," 84; Theories 
OF, 349 

Telephone Directory, Legi- 
bility, 30 

Tests for Aviation-Service, 
392; for Intelligence, 389; 
For Stenographers and 
Typists, 268; For Unem- 
ployed, 325 

Theories of Stuttering. 349 

Treatment of Psychopath- 

Typewriters, Tests for. 


Unemployed, Mental Tests 

for. 325 

Use Your Mind, How to, 294 

Ventilation and Mental 
Work, 94 

Vocational Guidance, 253; 
Vocation Ai Selection. 
Checking Results, 61 ; 
Tests, 201 ; Psychology, its 
Problems and Methods, 89 

War and Psychology, 9 

White and Negro Children 
Compared, 71 

Woman, Mentality of Crimin- 
al, 91 

Work and Satisfyingness, 
265; and Ventilation, 94; 
Wages and Profits, 387 


(The names of authors of original articles are printed in small 





Achilles, Edith Mulhall 305 

Achilles, Paul S. 305 

Ayer, Fred Carleton 93 

Baud, John Wallace 30, 390 

Bingham, W. V. 38 
Bowman, Ethel 
Bridges, James W. 
Burke, Agnes 
BusTT, Hasold E. 

Chapman, J. C 

Downey, June E. 

Eastman, George R. 

Pernberger, Samuel W. 89, 195 

Fish, E, H. 161 

Folsom, Joseph K. 253 

Gantt, H. L. 387 

Garrison, Charlotte G. ioi 
Geissler, L. R. 46, 90-98, 194 
198, 275, 292, 298-300,384,391-392 

Gemelli, Agostino 392 

Gould, Russell L. 321 

Gras, N. S. B. 387 

Hall, G. Stanley 9 

Hardwick, Rose S. 189 

Hedrick, Jennie 84 

Henderschott, F. C 214 

Hollingworth, H. L. 89 

Hollingworth, Leta S. ioi 

Hoover, Simon Robert 90 

Huntington, Ellsworth 390 

Karlson, Karl J. 385 

Kitson, Harry D. 294 

Kreuzpointner, Paul 180 

Martin, Liluen J. 67